^p  jFreUcric  p,  SSEineg 

AND 


THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM  IN  ITS  LEGISLA- 
TIVE ASPECTS.  An  Investigation  made  un- 
der the  Direction  of  Charles  W.  Eliot,  Seth 
Low,  and  James  C.  Carter,  Sub-Committee 
of  the  Committee  of  Fifty  to  Investigate  the 
Liquor  Problem.    With  Maps,    'iztno,  $1.25. 

HOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN  &  COMPANY, 
Boston  and  New  York. 


ECONOMIC  ASPECTS 

OF 

THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM 


JOHN   KOREN 
h 

AN   INVESTIGATION   MADE    FOR 

THE   COMMITTEE  OF   FIFTY 

UNDER   THE   DIRECTION   OF 

HENRY  W.  EARN  AM 

SECRETARY   OF    THE   ECONOMIC   SUB-COMMITTEE 


iRi^fraidfPre^ 


BOSTON  AND   NEW  YORK 

HOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN  AND   COMPANY 

®bc  mitacrsibc  ^xtii^  CamfariCige 


Copyright,  1899, 
By  henry  W.  FARNAM. 

All. rights  reserved. 


The  Riverside  Press,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  U.  S.  A. 
Electrotyped  and  Printed  by  H.  O.  Houghton  &  Company. 


:n 


SUB-COMMITTEE 

ON  THE 

ECONOMIC  ASPECTS  OF  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM 


CARROLL   D.  WRIGHT,  Chairman. 

Z.  R.  BROCKWAY. 

JOHN  GRAHAM  BROOKS. 

E.  R.  L.  GOULD. 

J.  F.  JONES. 

HENRY  W.  FARNAM,  Secretary. 


431717 


PRESENT  ORGANIZATION  OF  THE 
COMMITTEE  OF  FIFTY. 

(April,  1899.) 


President. 
Hon.  Seth  Low,  LL.  D  .     .     .     Columbia  College,  New  York. 

Vice-President. 
Charles  Dudley  Warner,  Esq Hartford,  Conn. 

Secretary. 
Prof.  Francis  G.  Peabody,  D.  D.    .     .     .    Cambridge,  Mass. 

Treasurer. 
William  E.  Dodge,  Esq.     .    11  Cliff  Street,  New  York,  N.  Y. 

Executive  Board. 
the  above  named  officers  and  : 

Dr.  J.  S.  Billings,  Astor  Library,  Lafayette  Place,  New  York, 
N.  Y. 

President  Charles  W.  Eliot,  LL.  D.,  Harvard  University,  Cam- 
bridge, Mass. 

Col.  Jacob  L.  Greene,  Hartford,  Conn. 

Hon.  Carroll  D.  Wright,  A.  M.,  LL.  D.,  Department  of  Labor, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

Members. 
Prof.  Felix  Adler. 
Bishop  Edw.  G.  Andrews,  D.  D. 
Prof.  W.  O.  Atwater. 
Dr.  J.  S.  Billings. 
Charles  J.  Bonaparte,  Esq. 
Prof.  H.  P.  Bowditch. 
Rev.  Prof.  Charles  A.  Briggs,  D.  D. 
Dr.  Z.  R.  Brockway. 
Dr.  John  Graham  Brooks. 
Hon.  James  C.  Carter. 


vi     ORGANIZATION  OF  COMMITTEE  OF  FIFTY 

Prof.  R.  H.  Chittenden. 

Rev.  Father  Thomas  Conaty,  D.  D. 

John  H.  Converse,  Esq. 

Wm.  Bayard  Cutting,  Esq. 

Rev.  S.  W.  Dike,  LL.  D. 

William  E.  Dodge,  Esq. 

Rev.  Father  A.  P.  Doyle. 

President  Charles  W.  Eliot,  LL.  D. 

Rev.  Father  Walter  Elliot. 

Prof.  Richard  T.  Ely. 

Prof.  Henry  W.  Farnam. 

Rt.  Rev.  T.  F.  Gailor,  D.  D. 

Richard  W.  Gilder,  Esq. 

President  Daniel  C.  Gilman,  LL.  D. 

Rev.  Washington  Gladden,  D.  D. 

Dr.  E.  R.  L.  Gould. 

Col.  Jacob  L.  Greene. 

Dr.  Edward  M.  Hart  well. 

Hon.  Henry  Hitchcock. 

Rev.  W.  R.  Huntington,  D.  D. 

President  Wm.  Preston  Johnston,  LL.  D. 

Prof.  J.  F.  Jones. 

President  Seth  Low,  LL.  D. 

President  James  MacAlister,  LL.  D. 

Rev.  Alexander  Mackay-Smith,  D.  D. 

Prof.  J.  J.  McCook. 

Rev.  T.  T.  Hunger,  D.  D. 

Robert  C.  Ogden,  Esq. 

Rev.  Prof.  F.  G.  Peabody,  D.  D. 

Rt.  Rev.  H.  C.  Potter,  D.  D. 

Rev.  W.  I.  Rainsford,  D.  D. 

Jacob  H.  SchifF,  Esq. 

Rev.  Prof.  C.  W.  Shields,  D.  D. 

Prof.  W.  M.  Sloane. 

Charles  Dudley  Warner,  Esq. 

Prof.  Wm.  H.  Welch. 

Rev.  Frederic  H.  Wines,  LL.  D. 

Hon.  Carroll  D.  Wright,  A.  M.,  LL.  D. 

Dr.  P.  M.  Wise. 


PREFACE. 

The  genesis  of  the  Committee  of  Fifty  and  the  earlier 
history  of  its  work  were  sketched  in  the  preface  to  the 
report  published  in  1897  by  the  Legislative  Sub-Com- 
mittee. Since  that  time  but  few  changes  have  taken 
place  in  the  membership  of  the  Committee,  and  its 
work  has  been  steadily  prosecuted  along  the  lines  then 
indicated.  A  new  sub-committee  has  been  appointed 
to  study  the  substitutes  for  saloons  in  large  cities. 
The  Physiological  Sub-Committee  has  made  steady 
progress  with  its  investigations,  several  of  which  have 
been  printed  in  scientific  journals,  and  it  is  hoped  that 
before  long  a  general  summary  of  the  results  obtained 
may  be  presented  to  the  public  in  book  form.  The 
present  volume  contains  the  investigations  of  the  Eco- 
nomic Sub-Committee,  and  is  the  second  in  the  series 
of  official  publications  of  the  Committee  of  Fifty. 

The  object  for  which  the  Committee  of  Fifty  was 
constituted  was  to  study  the  liquor  problem  "  in  the 
hope  of  securing  a  body  of  facts  relating  to  the  medi- 
cal, legislative,  ethical,  and  economic  aspects  of  the 
question  which  will  serve  as  a  basis  for  intelligent 
public  and  private  action.  It  is  the  design  of  this 
Committee  to  discuss  with  absolute  impartiality  all 
the  facts  which  it  is  able  to  collect,  and  thus  to  secure 


viii  PREFACE. 

for  the  evidence  which  it  shall  present  a  measure  of 
confidence  on  the  part  of  the  community  which  is  not 
accorded  to  partisan  statements." 

A  vote  of  the  Committee  of  Fifty,  passed  January 
10,  1896,  required  that  "  the  Committee  of  Fifty  itself 
pass  upon  the  question  of  jjublication  of  all  documents, 
indicating  any  restrictions  which  may  seem  desirable," 
and  "  that  in  the  publication  of  all  papers  contributed 
to  the  Committee  of  Fifty  there  be  prefixed  a  state- 
ment, to  be  prepared  by  the  Executive  Board,  indicat- 
ing the  preliminai'y  relation  of  such  papers  to  the 
final  conclusions  of  the  Committee  of  Fifty." 

The  reader  should  therefore  distinctly  understand 
that,  in  authorizing  the  publication  of  this  volume,  the 
Committee  of  Fifty  merely  indicates  its  belief  that  the 
facts  presented  have  .been  impartially  and  conscien- 
tiously gathered.  It  does  not  make  itself  responsible 
for  any  conclusions  that  may  be  drawn  from  them. 

The  Sub-Committee  on  the  Economic  Aspects  of 
the  Liquor  Problem,  as  appointed  October  20,  1893, 
consisted  of  President  Francis  A.  Walker,  Chairman ; 
President  E.  Benjamin  Andrews,  Dr.  Z.  R.  Brockway, 
Hon.  Carroll  D.  Wright,  and  Henry  W.  Farnam, 
Secretary.  Later  in  the  year  the  names  of  Professor 
J.  Francis  Jones  and  Dr.  E.  R.  L.  Gould  were  added, 
and  after  his  election  as  a  member  of  the  General  Com- 
mittee, November  9,  1896,  Dr.  John  Graham  Brooks 
was  assigned  to  this  Sub-Committee.  General  Walker 
died  January  5,  1897,  and  Colonel  Wright  was  elected 


PREFACE.  ix 

chairman  of  the  committee.  President  Andrews  with- 
drew from  the  Committee  of  Fifty  and  therefore  from 
the  Sub-Committee  in  1896.  Mr.  Koren  was  selected 
in  February,  1896,  as  the  special  agent  of  the  Sub- 
Committee,  and  has  conducted  its  work  under  the  di- 
rection of  the  secretary  almost  continuously  for  nearly 
three  years.  His  report  constitutes  the  greater  part  of 
the  present  volume.  The  report  of  the  Economic  Sub- 
Committee  to  the  Committee  of  Fifty  is,  however, 
printed  as  an  introduction  to  the  general  subject, 
while  a  few  especially  important  tables  from  the  12th 
Annual  Report  of  the  Department  of  Labor  are  added 
in  the  Appendix. 

The  Committee  desires  to  make  its  grateful  acknow- 
ledgments to  all  throughout  the  country  who  have  as- 
sisted in  its  investigation.  We  refer  in  particular  to 
the  officials  and  agents  of  the  thirty -three  charity 
organization  societies,  the  superintendents  of  the  sixty 
almshouses,  the  officials  and  agents  of  the  eleven  chil- 
dren's societies,  and  the  wardens  and  officers  of  the 
seventeen  prisons  and  reformatories  which  contributed 
material  for  our  report ;  to  the  State  Boards  of  Chari- 
ties and  Correction  of  Illinois,  Minnesota,  Indiana, 
Ohio,  New  York,  Connecticut,  and  North  Carolina; 
^d  to  numerous  unofficial  friends  and  correspondents. 

To  mention  all  by  name  would  expand  unduly  this 
preface,  but  we  desire  to  extend  our  special  thanks  to 
Hon.  Horace  G.  Wadlin,  chief  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  Mrs.  E.  E.  Williamson, 


X  PREFACE. 

General  Secretary  of  the  State  Charities  Aid  Associa- 
tion of  New  Jersey  ;  Miss  Julia  C.  Lathrop,  Commis- 
sioner of  the  Illinois  Board  of  State  Commissioners  of 
Public  Charities  ;  Hon.  Homer  Folks,  Secretary  of  the 
State  Charities  Aid  Association  of  New  York ;  Mr. 
Hastings  H.  Hart,  Secretary  of  the  National  Confer- 
ence of  Charities  and  Correction;  Dr.  W.  E.  Burg- 
hardt  Du  Bois  of  Atlanta  University ;  Mr.  Booker  T. 
Washington,  Principal  of  the  Tuskegee  School ;  Rev. 
Pitt  Dillingham,  Principal  of  the  Calhoun  Colored 
School,  Ala. ;  H.  B.  Freeman,  Colonel  U.  S.  A. ; 
W.  H.  Beck,  Captain  U.  S.  A. ;  Major  George  Steell, 
former  United  States  Indian  Agent  in  Montana ;  Mr. 
Francis  E.  Leupp,  ex-member  of  the  Board  of  Indian 
Commissioners  ;  Mr.  Ernest  Carroll  Moore,  of  Hull 
House,  Chicago;  Professor  Walter  A.  Wyckoff,  of 
Princeton  University;  Miss  Ethel  R.  Evans,  of  Kings- 
ley  House,  Pittsburgh ;  and  Mr.  Kendric  Charles 
Babcock,  of  the  South  Park  Settlement,  San  Fran- 
cisco, Cal. 

H.  W.  F. 

Yale  University,  April,  1899. 


CONTENTS 

PAOB 

Report  op  the  Economic  Sub-Committee  to  the  Commit- 
tee OF  Fifty 1 

I.  History  of  the  Investigation         ....         40 
II.  The  Liquor  Problem  in  its  Relations  to  Poverty     64 

III.  The  Liquor  Problem  in  its  Relations  to  Pauperism    100 

IV.  The  Liquor  Problem  in  its  Relations  to  the  Des- 

titution AND  Neglect  of  Children  ....  126 
V.   The  Liquor  Problem  in  its  Relations  to  Crime  .       133 
VI.  Relations  of  the  Negroes  to  the  Liquor  Problem  160 
VII.  Relations  of  the  North  American  Indians  to  the 

-  Liquor  Problem 186 

VIII.  SocLA^L  Aspects  of  the  Saloon  in  Large  Cities     .      210 

Appendix 241 

Bibliography 313 

Index 323 


THE    ECONOMIC    ASPECTS    OF    THE 
LIQUOR    PROBLEM. 


EEPORT  OF  THE  ECONOMIC    SUB-COMMITTEE 
TO  THE  COMMITTEE  OF  FIFTY. 

I.    SCOPE  AND  OBJECT  OE  THE  INVESTIGATION. 

The  Committee  of  Fifty  has  undertaken  to  obtain  a 
body  of  facts  bearing  upon  the  liquor  problem  in  its 
various  aspects.  One  sub-committee  has  been  studying 
some  of  the  numerous  physiological  questions  which 
liquor  has  raised ;  another  has  investigated  and  re- 
ported upon  liquor  legislation  in  the  United  States  ;  a 
third  is  studying  some  of  the  ethical  aspects  of  the 
problem ;  the  present  investigation  attempts  to  deal 
with  some  of  the  economic  aspects  of  this  protean 
question. 

It  should  be  clearly  understood  at  the  outset  that 
this  report  does  not  attempt  to  cover  all  of  the  phases 
of  the  liquor  problem  which  may  have  an  economic 
bearing.  The  important  subjects  treated  in  the  12th 
Annual  Report  of  the  Federal  Department  of  Labor, 
and  relating  principally  to  the  production  and  con- 
sumption of  liquor  and  the  amount  contributed  by  the 
traffic  towards  taxation,  were,  from  the  beginning, 
excluded  from  our  investigation,  because  they  were 
already  provided  for.     Nor  did  we  attempt  to  duplicate 


2  THE   LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

any.  pf.  the  worjscjone  by  the  Massachusetts  Bureau  of 
Labor  .&,nd  publiJ^hed  in  its  26th  Annual  Report. 
,',  Of  tbe-.qtiestxQns  that  remain,  our  investigation  con- 
'sidfei's  :'-^'  ' ''     ' 

1.  The  relations  of  the  liquor  problem  to  poverty 
and  destitution  as  evidenced  in  the  work  of  charity 
organization  societies,  almshouses,  and  societies  for  the 
care  of  poor  children  ; 

2.  Its  relations  to  crime  as  shown  in  some  of  the 
leading  reformatories  and  state  prisons  of  the  country ; 

3.  Its  relations  to  the  Negroes  and  to  the  North 
American  Indians ; 

4.  The  economics  of  the  saloon  as  the  chief  distrib- 
uting agency  of  liquor  in  large  cities. 

By  limiting  our  field  we  have  made  it  possible,  as 
we  believe,  to  cover  it  more  thoroughly  than  has 
been  done  hitherto.  Several  valuable  investigations, 
it  is  true,  have  already  been  undertaken  into  these 
subjects  in  the  United  States.  The  Massachusetts 
Bureau  of  Labor  has,  we  believe,  the  honor  of  having 
been  the  pioneer,  and  in  its  12th  Annual  Report,  pub- 
lished in  1881,  gave  the  results  of  an  investigation  into 
the  statistics  of  drunkenness  and  liquor  selling,  from 
1870  to  1879,  and  the  influence  of  intemperance  upon 
crime.  The  11th  Census  also  published  a  report  made 
under  the  direction  of  Dr.  F.  H.  Wines,  which  dealt 
with  pauperism  and  crime  in  general,  and  gave  many 
facts  with  regard  to  the  relations  of  intemperance  to 
these  evils.  More  complete  in  many  respects  than 
either  of  these  is  the  26th  Report  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bureau  of  Labor,  already  referred  to.  The  12th 
Report  of  that  Bureau,  valuable  as  it  was,  covered 


REPORT   OF  THE   SUB-COMMITTEE.  3 

but  the  single  county  of  Suffolk ;  and  dealt  with  the 
convictions  for  one  year.  It  related  only  to  crime, 
and  not  to  pauperism.  The  11th  Census,  while  cover- 
ing the  whole  country  and  including  both  pauperism 
and  crime,  necessarily  confined  itself  to  pauperism  in 
almshouses,  and  took  no  account  of  cases  of  poverty 
relieved  by  private  persons.  Moreover,  it  did  not 
undertake  to  investigate  the  extent  to  which  intem- 
perance is  directly  a  cause  of  poverty.  Its  statistics 
confine  themselves  to  the  liquor  habits  of  the  inmates 
of  almshouses.  These  two  things  are,  of  course,  quite 
distinct.  The  26th  Report  of  the  Massachusetts  Bu- 
reau covered  not  only  crime  and  pauperism,  but  also 
insanity,  and  studied  liquor  as  a  cause  in  all  three 
cases ;  but  it  did  not  relate  to  any  poverty  excepting  in 
almshouses ;  and  it  did  not  extend  beyond  the  boun- 
daries of  a  single  State.  Most  of  the  other  statistics 
hitherto  collected  upon  these  subjects  have  been  ob- 
tained incidentally  in  connection  with  other  investiga- 
tions. Among  the  more  important  studies  with  which 
our  work  may  be  brought  into  comparison  are  the 
investigation  of  the  German  Imperial  Statistical  Bu- 
reau into  public  poor  relief,  made  in  1885 ;  a  similar 
investigation  undertaken  by  Dr.  Boehmert  into  pau- 
perism in  77  German  cities  in  1887  ;  the  investigations 
of  Mr.  Charles  Booth  in  England,  published  in  his 
"  Life  and  Labour  of  the  People "  and  "  Pauperism 
and  the  Endowment  of  Old  Age ; "  and  the  figures 
collected  from  the  charity  organization  societies  by 
Professor  A.  G.  Warner,  for  his  "  American  Charities." 
As  compared  with  these  investigations,  we  may  fairly 
claim  for  our  work 


4  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

1.  That,  with  the  exception  of  the  German  reports 
of  1885  and  1887,  it  covers  a  larger  number  of  cases 
numerically  than  any  of  those  mentioned  ; 

2.  That  it  covers  a  greater  variety  of  cases  than 
any  of  them,  since  we  have  studied  not  only  paupers 
in  almshouses,  but  also  cases  of  destitution  treated  by 
various  classes  of  private  societies,  and  cases  of  crime ; 

3.  That  it  covers  a  much  wider  area  territorially ; 

4.  That  it  gives  us  valuable  facts  with  regard  to  a 
greater  number  of  nationalities. 

Such  a  thorough  investigation  has  necessarily  in- 
volved the  expenditure  of  considerable  labor  and  time. 
Since  February,  1896,  when  the  Committee  formally 
began  its  labors,  Mr.  Koren  has  been  employed  almost 
continually  upon  the  subject.  For  a  year  he  has  had 
the  assistance  of  a  statistical  expert,  and  during  five 
months,  of  four  tabulators.  This,  however,  is  but  a 
small  part  of  the  work  performed,  for  we  have  had  the 
gratuitous  services  of  the  agents  of  33  charity  organi- 
zation societies  and  11  children's  aid  societies  and 
schools,  while  the  superintendents  and  chaplains,  or 
other  officials,  of  60  almshouses  and  17  prisons  and 
reformatories  have  rendered  most  valuable  service 
either  gratuitously  or  for  a  merely  nominal  consid- 
eration. 

II.  IMPORTANCE  OF  THE  INVESTIGATION. 
The  reader  may  perhaps  question  the  economy  of 
our  work.  Are  the  results  worth  all  of  the  labor 
spent  in  obtaining  them  ?  Many  persons  whose  judg- 
ment is  worthy  of  respect  have  raised  this  question, 
and  some  have  answered  it  in  the  negative.     This  is 


REPORT  OF  THE  SUB-COMMITTEE.  5 

especially  true  of  those  who  are  engaged  in  the  active 
work  of  poor  relief.  Seeing  about  them  the  evil  effects 
of  drink,  and  the  mass  of  poverty  and  degradation 
due  to  other  causes  as  well,  they  naturally  say,  "  What 
is  the  use  of  trying  to  get  more  facts  to  present  in  a 
statistical  form?  We  know  enough  about  liquor  to 
know  that  its  effects  are  bad ;  whether  a  greater  or 
smaller  percentage  of  cases  can  be  attributed  to  this 
one  cause  has  little  to  do  with  the  practical  problems 
which  press  upon  us.  We  cannot  afford  to  waste  our 
strength  and  our  money  in  a  search  for  statistics  when 
all  of  the  facts  that  we  need  to  know  are  before  our 
eyes." 

This  objection  is  a  very  natural  one.  A  generation 
ago  it  would  probably  have  been  insuperable,  and  the 
investigation  just  made  would  have  been  quite  im- 
possible. A  very  large  number  of  the  cases  considered 
have  been  supplied  by  the  charity  organization  soci- 
eties, and  the  oldest  of  these  societies  in  our  country 
is  but  thirty  years  old.  Even  twenty  years  ago  there 
were  very  few  of  them,  and  it  is  doubtful  whether, 
at  that  time,  they  would  have  had  the  means  or  the 
interest  necessary  to  collect  the  elaborate  facts  which 
they  have  so  kindly  and  generously  put  into  our  hands. 
We  have  ourselves  often  been  surprised  at  the  willing- 
ness of  hard-working  agents  to  undertake  additional 
labors,  simply  for  the  sake  of  adding  to  the  fund  of 
human  knowledge.  The  fact,  however,  that  almost  all 
of  the  societies  which  were  approached  upon  the  subject 
entered  readily,  and  in  some  cases  eagerly,  into  our 
plan,  and  that  but  two  refused  to  cooperate  on  any 
other  ground  than  that  of  expense,  is  in  itself  the  best 


6  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

proof  that  practical  workers  feel  the  need  of  just  such 
facts  as  we  have  collected.  The  same  objection  may 
be  raised  against  scientific  work  in  any  department  of 
human  activity  which  aims  to  mitigate  the  ills  of 
humanity.  The  hard-working  country  doctor  is  loath 
to  spend  his  time  over  the  microscope,  when  so  many 
people  require  his  skill  in  the  healing  art.  Still  less 
willing  is  he  to  make  experiments  on  living  animals 
in  order  to  satisfy  his  mind  regarding  some  theory  of 
disease.  Yet  the  progress  of  modern  medicine  has 
been  due  to  the  fact  that  a  few  men  have  been  enabled 
to  work  in  their  laboratories  instead  of  at  the  bedside, 
and  have  thus  gathered  the  facts  and  formulated  the 
theories  without  which  the  bedside  practitioner  of  the 
day  would  be  helpless  indeed. 

It  is  in  this  spirit  of  scientific  research  that  the  pre- 
sent investigation  into  the  liquor  problem  has  been 
undertaken.  Of  course  we  all  know  that  drunkenness 
is  bad.  We  all  know  of  families  ruined  by  the  dissi- 
pation of  their  breadwinner.  Such  general  facts  are 
not  to  be  sought  for  in  such  a  study.  Nevertheless, 
in  spite  of  the  vigorous  efforts  of  nearly  a  century, 
the  liquor  problem  is  still  with  us.  We  know  that,  in 
spite  of  very  drastic  laws,  the  liquor  law  which  will 
really  seriously  check  intemperance  is  still  to  be  sought 
for.  This,  at  least,  may  be  taken  as  the  result  of  the 
investigation  of  the  Legislative  Sub-Committee,  which, 
after  a  most  thorough  study,  culminated  in  a  negative 
conclusion.  We  know  that  the  efforts  made  by  moral 
and  religious  agencies,  great  as  have  been  their  suc- 
cesses in  individual  cases,  have  not  solved  the  problem. 
But  we   also  know  that   difficult  problems   in   other 


REPORT   OF  THE   SUB-COMMITTEE.  7 

departments  of  life  have  been  solved  by  means  of  a 
careful  and  scientific  investigation,  and  by  tlie  use  of 
many  hypotheses  and  many  scientific  laws,  no  one  of 
which,  taken  by  itself,  may  seem  to  have  had  a  very 
far-reaching  value.  We  therefore  believe  that,  in  the 
ever-present  liquor  problem,  which  touches  upon  so 
many  different  phases  of  life,  a  careful  investigation  of 
the  facts  such  as  we  present  will  be  one  contribution 
which,  taken  in  connection  with  others,  may  perhaps 
succeed,  in  the  course  of  time,  in  making  the  condi- 
tions under  which  we  live  better.  The  progress  in 
sanitary  conditions  and  in  the  treatment  of  disease, 
made  through  scientific  investigation,  ought  certainly 
to  encourage  us  in  attempting  to  further  a  moral 
reform  by  similar  means. 

It  will  thus  appear  that  our  averages  and  percent- 
ages are  not  merely  the  playthings  of  over-subtle  minds, 
but  that  they  have  a  very  practical  use  for  practical 
workers.  For  those  who  are  dealing  with  the  poor,  it 
must  be  of  value  to  know  the  relative  importance  of 
different  causes  of  poverty,  because  in  this  way  only 
can  they  economize  their  energies  and  make  them  tell 
to  the  best  advantage.  It  is  equally  important  to  know 
how  different  nationalities  are  affected  by  the  liquor 
habit,  for  this  knowledge  should  influence  not  only  phil- 
anthropic effort,  but  often  legislation.  A  comjjarison 
of  the  results  of  our  study  with  the  data  obtained  by 
the  Physiological  Committee  cannot  fail  likewise  to  be 
of  immense  practical  importance.  If  it  should  be  found, 
for  instance,  that  the  economic  effects  of  alcohol  are 
more  marked  and  striking  than  its  physiological  effects, 
or  again,  if  the  opposite  should  be  found  true,  either 


8  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

will  serve  as  a  guide  to  those  advocating  temperance. 
They  will  know  on  which  side  of  the  question  to  lay  the 
most  emphasis.  Such  a  comparison  cannot  be  made 
for  the  present,  but  the  more  careful  and  systematic 
the  work  of  this  committee,  the  more  significant  and 
trustworthy  will  such  a  comparison  be  when  the  time 
comes  for  making  it.  Finally,  our  investigation  need 
not  confine  itself  to  a  study  of  causes,  but  should  also 
take  into  account  the  efficacy  of  economic  ways  and 
means,  without  belittling  the  results  of  moral  suasion, 
religious  effort,  and  medical  practice.  In  short,  the 
more  complete  and  thorough  our  knowledge  of  all  of 
the  effects  of  liquor,  the  better  shall  we  be  able  to  adapt 
our  means  to  our  ends.  We  may  perhaps  find  that 
there  is  no  panacea  for  this  disease.  It  shows  itself  in 
too  many  different  ways  and  under  too  greatly  varied 
conditions.  We  may  also  find  that,  by  adopting  dif- 
ferent methods  for  different  conditions,  we  shall  be 
able  to  attack  it  with  something  of  that  scientific  accu- 
racy with  which  such  diseases  as  smallpox  have  been 
handled  in  the  past,  and  with  which  typhoid  fever  and 
consumption  are  but  beginning  to  be  handled  now.  It 
may  be  found  that  economic  pressure  alone,  if  properly 
directed,  may  be  a  potent  means  of  promoting  temper- 
ance and  diminishing  the  evils  of  the  alcohol  habit. 

An  investigation  of  this  kind,  however,  has  much 
broader  bearings  than  the  liquor  problem  alone.  It 
was,  for  instance,  on  account  of  the  result  of  a  statisti- 
cal inquiry  that  Mr.  Charles  Booth,  although  strongly 
impressed  with  the  importance  of  liquor  as  a  cause  of 
poverty,  became  the  advocate  of  universal  old-age  pen- 
sions in  England.     The  almshouses  which  he  investi- 


REPORT   OF   THE   SUB-COMMITTEE.  9 

gated,  as  well  as  the  study  which  he  made  of  the  condi- 
tion of  the  population  of  the  east  end  of  London,  led 
him  to  the  belief  that  a  large  percentage  of  pauperism 
was  due  to  old  age  and  sickness,  and  a  small  percentage 
to  vice  or  bad  habits.  Intemperance  figured  as  a  cause 
of  pauperism  to  a  very  small  amount  in  his  statistics. 

Such  figures  as  we  have  collected  cannot  fail  to  throw 
light  on  such  proposals  as  his.  If  the  figures  from  the 
United  States  should  confirm  the  English  figures,  there 
might  be  the  same  reason  for  advocating  universal  pen- 
sions. Yet  when  we  find  that  on  an  average  the  pov- 
erty which  comes  under  the  notice  of  the  charity  organ- 
ization societies  can  be  traced  to  liquor  in  some  25  per 
cent,  of  all  the  cases,  and  that  in  almshouses  the  per- 
centage is  37,  we  are  inevitably  led  to  the  belief  that 
while  much  poverty  may  be  due  to  the  faults  of  society, 
more  than  a  quarter  of  it  in  our  country  is  due  very 
directly  and  obviously  to  a  very  prominent  fault  of  the 
individual. 

III.     RELIABILITY   OF   OUR   RESULTS. 

We  shall  naturally  be  met  with  the  inquiry  how  far 
our  figures  can  be  relied  uj)on,  and  this  involves  our 
method  as  well  as  our  success  in  carrying  it  out.  That 
there  is  an  element  of  error  in  all  statistical  figures  will 
be  readily  conceded.  We  believe,  however,  that  we 
have  reduced  this  element  to  as  small  dimensions  as 
possible.  There  are  two  ways  of  getting  statistics. 
One  is  to  cover  the  entii-e  area  in  question  and  to  en- 
deavor to  count  every  case  that  may  arise.  Another 
consists  in  selecting  certain  sample  districts,  areas,  or 
institutions,  and  studying  these.     The  former  method 


10  THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

is  usually  the  best  where  the  facts  to  be  gathered  are 
comparatively  simple  and  do  not  involve  the  element 
of  judgment.  But  such  an  inquiry  can  seldom  be  un- 
dertaken excepting  by  a  government  bureau,  on  account 
of  the  expense.  And  as  an  investigation  by  the  Gov- 
ernment usually  involves  the  employment  of  paid  agents 
all  sent  out  from  one  centre,  if  there  are  any  deviations 
from  the  exact  facts,  they  are  more  apt  to  vitiate  all 
figures  in  the  same  direction.  Moreover,  it  is  often 
difficult  to  employ  a  large  staff  of  enumerators  of  suffi- 
cient intelligence  to  make  an  inquiry  involving  moral 
elements. 

We  believe,  therefore,  that  the  method  pursued  by 
us,  though  it  does  not  pretend  to  cover  more  than  a 
fraction  of  all  cases,  is,  on  the  whole,  more  reliable. 
The  institutions  and  societies  have  been  selected,  not 
with  reference  to  any  known  peculiarity  in  their  clients, 
but  solely  on  account  of  the  interest  and  ability  shown 
by  their  agents,  superintendents,  or  other  officials.  We 
have  thus  been  able  to  command  at  a  trifling  expense 
a  high  grade  of  labor. 

The  personal  equation  will,  of  course,  enter  more  or 
less  into  their  returns.  One  enumerator  will  be  inclined 
to  attribute  a  doubtful  case  to  liquor  when  another  will 
not.  But  we  can  rely  here  on  the  well-known  statisti- 
cal law,  according  to  which  the  error  in  the  totals  is 
much  less  than  the  errors  in  the  individual  investiga- 
tions which  go  to  form  the  totals.  This  may  seem  para- 
doxical to  persons  unfamiliar  with  statistics,  and  yet  it 
rests  upon  a  simple  observation.  Where  the  chances 
are  equally  good  that  an  observation  may  differ  either 
on  one  side  or  the  other  from  the  exact  truth,  it  is 


REPORT   OF  THE   SUB-COMMITTEE.  11 

probable  that  in  the  mass  the  errors  on  opposite  sides 
will  balance  each  other.  The  individual  bricks  turned 
out  from  a  kiln  might  differ  considerably  among  them- 
selves, yet  one  wall  of  one  hundred  courses  of  bricks 
will  differ  from  another  wall  with  the  same  number  of 
courses  but  very  little.  A  careless  writer  will  some- 
times put  five  words  in  a  line,  sometimes  ten,  yet  the 
number  of  words  in  a  hundred  lines  will  vary  little.  On 
the  same  principle  we  feel  that,  as  there  was  no  bias 
common  to  all  of  the  enumerators,  whatever  personal 
elements  may  have  entered  into  the  returns  made  by 
one  are  pretty  apt  to  be  balanced  by  errors  of  the 
opposite  kind  made  in  some  other.  We  therefore 
believe  that  our  method  is  a  good  one. 

As  regards  the  material  accuracy  of  our  returns,  we 
may  anticipate  that  they  will  be  challenged  from  two 
opposite  sides,  for  it  so  happens  that  they  do  not  lean 
to  either  extreme,  but  fall,  as  it  were,  midway  between 
the  figures  hitherto  published.  It  was  claimed,  e.  </., 
a  generation  ago  by  De  Gerando,  who  wrote  in  1839, 
that  75  per  cent,  of  the  pauper  cases  in  the  United 
States  were  caused  by  drink,^  while  Charles  Loring 
Brace  says  that  two  thirds  of  the  crime  of  every  city  is 
due  to  drink.2  A  somewhat  similar  estimate  is  made  by 
Mr.  Boies,  who  says  that  alcohol  is  the  direct  or  indirect 
cause  of  75  per  cent,  of  all  crimes,  and  50  per  cent,  of 
all  the  sufferings  endured  on  account  of  poverty.^ 

^  De  Gerando,  Bienfaisance  Publique,  vol.  i.  p.  318.  The  author 
refers  to  The  Christian  Almanack  for  1824,  and  to  the  New  York 
Observer,  vol.  vi.,  as  authorities,  but  in  neither  of  these  publications 
could  any  justification  for  his  percentage  be  found. 

2  Dangerous  Classes  of  New  York,  pp.  65,  66,  1872. 

*  Prisoners  and  Paupers,  p.  137,  1893. 


12  THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

On  the  other  hand,  more  recent  investigations  place 
the  percentage,  as  a  rule,  very  much  lower.  Mr. 
Charles  Booth,  in  his  monumental  investigation  into 
the  population  of  East  London,  concludes  that  about 
14  per  cent,  of  the  poverty  in  the  classes  A  and  B  of 
his  investigation,  and  13  per  cent,  in  classes  C  and  D, 
may  be  attributed  to  liquor.  This  investigation  was 
made,  not  into  the  "professional"  pauper  class,  so  to 
speak,  but  into  the  poor  of  London,  and  classes  A  and 
B  included  the  lowest  classes  of  the  community,  classes 
C  and  D  those  slightly  above  them.  Li  his  study  of 
pauper  cases  in  the  workhouse  of  Stepney,  he  attrib- 
utes 15  per  cent,  to  drink  and  immorality. 

Most  of  the  figures  hitherto  published  for  our 
country  fall  short  even  of  this.  The  figures  quoted  by 
Professor  Warner  from  various  charity  organization 
societies  range  from  21.9  per  cent,  to  4.9  per  cent.,  but 
in  only  two  cases  out  of  twelve  go  above  14  per  cent.^ 
The  cases  collected  by  the  New  York  Charity  Organi- 
zation Society  in  1897  show  13  per  cent,  of  liquor 
cases,  while  similar  societies  in  Baltimore  and  six  other 
cities  yielded  about  6  per  cent.  Still  smaller  are  the 
figures  in  Germany.  The  great  investigation  made  in 
1885  into  the  causes  of  pauperism  by  the  Luperial 
Statistical  Bureau  claimed  that  in  only  2  per  cent,  of 
the  cases  could  the  pauperism  be  attributed  to  the 
abuse  of  liquor,  while  Dr.  Boehmert's  study  of  77  Ger- 
man cities  gave  as  the  result  1.3  per  cent.  As  between 
these  extremes  of  1.3  per  cent,  on  the  one  hand  and  75 
per  cent,  on  the  other,  where  does  the  truth  lie  ?  We 
must,  of  course,  understand  first  of  all  that  the  per- 
^  A.  G.  Warner,  American  Charities,  p.  34,  1894. 


REPORT  OF   THE   SUB-COMMITTEE.  13 

centage  cannot  be  expected  to  be  the  same  for  differ- 
ent countries,  or  different  parts  of  the  same  country, 
or  different  j)eriods.  The  Germans  show  a  compara- 
tively small  number  of  cases  in  our  investigation,  and 
it  may  be  that  in  Germany  those  who  come  under 
official  poor  relief  on  account  of  drink  may  be  less 
numerous  proportionately  than  the  same  class  in  our 
own  country.  It  should  also  be  noted  that  the  German 
figures  are  based,  not  upon  an  official  investigation, 
but  only  upon  the  official  record  of  causes  as  stated, 
in  most  cases,  by  the  applicants  themselves.  That 
such  record  should  give  the  whole  truth  regarding  the 
influence  of  liquor  upon  pauperism  can  hardly  be 
expected. 

The  general  statements  made  by  De  Gerando  and 
Brace  are  not  to  be  taken  as  giving  serious  statisti- 
cal facts.  Even  if  they  were  approximately  true  at 
the  time  at  which  they  were  made,  it  is  to  be  hoped 
that  the  world  has  made  progress  in  half  a  century, 
and  that  were  De  Gerando  or  Brace  to  make  a  similar 
investigation  now,  they  might  reach  a  less  discouraging 
conclusion.  We  must  not,  therefore,  expect  absolute 
agreement  between  the  figures  of  different  times,  dif- 
ferent conditions,  and  different  countries. 

We  should,  however,  expect  to  find  agreement  be- 
tween the  contemporaneous  figures  in  the  same  country 
with  a  homogeneous  population,  or  at  least  to  be  able 
to  explain  discrepancies,  and  there  is  an  iindoubted 
discrepancy  between  the  results  of  our  investigation 
and  the  results  hitherto  gleaned  from  the  record  of 
cases  kept  by  the  charity  organization  societies.  Our 
own  figures,  based  upon  the  investigation  of  such  socie- 


14  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

ties,  show  25  per  cent,  of  the  cases  investigated  to  be 
due  to  the  use  of  liquor,  either  on  the  part  of  the  appli- 
cants themselves,  or  of  other  persons.  To  take  indi- 
vidual societies,  the  New  York  society  returned  in  our 
investigation  23  per  cent,  in  the  aggregate  and  Balti- 
more 21  per  cent.  The  discrepancy  between  these 
figures  and  those  previously  published  is  partly  due  to 
the  fact  that  our  figures  include  liquor  as  an  indirect 
cause,  while  the  others  only  consider  it  as  a  direct 
cause.  Thus,  while  New  York  returned  an  aggregate 
of  23  per  cent,  of  liquor  cases,  in  only  19.5  per  cent, 
was  liquor  a  direct  cause,  while  Baltimore  returned  an 
aggregate  of  21  per  cent.,  of  which  liquor  was  a  direct 
cause  in  only  11  per  cent.  This  fact  explains  the  dis- 
crepancy in  part.  The  rest  must  be  attributed  to  the 
greater  care  exercised  by  the  agents  in  studying  up 
individual  cases  for  us.  It  is  often  difficult  to  decide 
whether  or  not  a  case  of  poverty  is  due  to  liquor,  and 
in  making  the  general  statistics  published  in  annual 
reports,  there  is  a  natural  tendency  to  understate  this 
cause  on  account  of  the  very  difficulty  of  getting  the 
facts.  In  addition  to  this,  there  is  a  very  proper  desire 
to  give  doubtful  cases  the  benefit  of  the  doubt  in  mak- 
ing a  record  which  may  in  the  future  determine  the 
treatment  of  individuals,  lest  the  statement  that  the 
applicant  has  become  poor  through  liquor  should  pre- 
judice his  case  when  he  applies  for  relief. 

Our  own  investigation  was  stated  to  be,  at  the  out- 
set, purely  impersonal.  It  was  to  have  no  effect  upon 
the  treatment  of  individuals.  This  would  in  itself 
prevent  the  lowering  of  the  percentage  in  doubtful 
cases.     Moreover,  the  attention  of   the  agents   being 


REPORT  OF  THE  SUB-COMMITTEE.  15 

especially  directed  to  one  point,  tliey  naturally  made 
a  more  careful  study,  and  detected  liquor  cases  which 
might  otherwise  have  escaped  their  attention.  We  are 
confident  that  there  was  no  desire  on  the  part  of  the 
agents  to  make  out  large  averages.  Their  instructions 
were  carefully  given  in  advance,  and  they  were  told 
that  we  wanted  nothing  but  the  truth.  They  were 
likewise  instructed  that,  in  the  doubtful  cases  which 
often  arise,  they  were  not  to  attribute  a  person's  pov- 
erty to  liquor  simply  because  he  might,  at  some  time 
in  the  past,  have  used  up  for  drink  a  part  of  his  in- 
come which,  if  prudently  saved,  would  have  carried 
him  over  a  period  of  hard  times.  In  other  words,  we 
did  not  think  it  fair  to  assume  that  all  that  was  spent 
upon  liquor  would  otherwise  have  been  saved.  That 
would  have  implied  an  amount  of  forethought  on  the 
part  of  the  poor  which  does  not  exist.  Poverty  was 
not  to  be  attributed  to  drink  unless  the  connection 
was  direct  and  immediate,  as,  e.  </.,  unless  drink  led  to 
loss  of  employment,  or  prevented  the  person  from  get- 
ting a  situation,  or  unless  he  was  known  to  drink  to 
excess. 

For  these  reasons  we  feel  considerable  confidence  in 
the  fairness  of  our  figures,  a  confidence  which  is  con- 
firmed by  the  results  themselves.  The  figures  from 
different  parts  of  the  country  generally  show  a  small 
divergence  from  the  mean,  and  in  all  cases  in  which 
this  divergence  is  at  all  considerable,  it  can  be  easily 
explained  by  special  local  conditions.  The  very  fact 
that  the  figures  do  not  go  to  one  extreme  or  the 
other  is,  to  the  minds  of  many,  an  indication  of  their 
fairness.     In  short,  while  we  do  not  claim  absolute 


16  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

mathematical  accuracy  for  statistics  based  upon  rather 
uncertain  moral  phenomena,  we  do  believe  that  the 
results  are  as  reliable  as  circumstances  will  permit. 
Finally,  they  are  confirmed  in  the  only  case  in  which 
we  have  the  means  of  making  a  direct  comparison 
with  figures  obtained  under  similar  conditions.  An 
investigation  into  the  relations  of  liquor  to  pauperism 
and  crime  was  undertaken  three  years  ago  by  the  Mas- 
sachusetts Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  an  office  which 
enjoys  a  well-earned  reputation  for  accuracy  and  skill. 
The  results  of  this  investigation  were  published  in  the 
26th  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau,  and  show  that  in 
Massachusetts  about  39  per  cent,  of  the  paupers  in  alms- 
houses had  been  brought  to  their  condition  by  the  per- 
sonal use  of  liquor,  and  that  about  10  per  cent,  had 
come  there  through  the  intemperate  habits  of  parents, 
guardians,  or  others.  Our  figures,  based  upon  alms- 
houses throughout  the  country,  give  an  aggregate  of  a 
little  less  than  33  per  cent,  of  cases  due  to  the  personal 
use  of  liquor,  and  about  8.7  per  cent,  due  to  the  intem- 
perate habits  of  others.  While  our  figures  are  slightly 
below  those  for  Massachusetts,  they  are  much  nearer 
to  them  than  to  any  other  sets  of  figures  quoted,  and 
this  fact  is  an  important  evidence  of  their  general 
accuracy. 

IV.     SUMMARY    OF   RESULTS. 

The  special  investigation  of  the  Economic  Sub- 
Committee  relates,  as  has  been  stated,  only  to  certain 
of  the  economic  phases  of  the  liquor  problem.  The 
report  of  the  Department  of  Labor  relates  to  certain 
other  phases.     Inasmuch  as  both  investigations  were 


REPORT  OF  THE   SUB-COMMITTEE.  17 

planned  so  as  to  supplement  each  other,  a  survey  of 
the  economic  aspects  of  the  liquor  problem  should  give 
the  results  of  both  investigations  and  show  their  bear- 
ing upon  each  other.  These  two  reports  taken  together 
disclose  the  positive  and  negative  aspects  of  the  case. 
The  report  of  the  Department  of  Labor  gives  us  a 
view  of  the  wealth  represented  in  the  production  and 
sale  of  intoxicating  di-inks.  It  states  how  much  of  the 
product  of  the  farm  goes  into  the  production  of  liquor ; 
how  great  is  the  value  of  the  annual  product ;  how 
much  capital  is  invested  in  making  and  retailing  intoxi- 
cants ;  how  many  persons  derive  their  livelihood  from 
the  traffic ;  and  how  large  an  amount  is  contributed 
by  it  towards  paying  the  expenses  of  national,  state, 
and  local  governments. 

The  report  of  the  Economic  Sub-Committee  shows 
us  the  reverse  of  the  medal.  We  see  here  a  large  part 
of  the  destruction  of  wealth  and  of  human  capital 
caused  by  this  same  agency.  We  learn  what  fraction 
of  pauperism,  destitution,  and  crime  may  be  fairly 
attributed  to  liquor,  and  how  this  loss  is  distributed 
among  different  classes  and  races. 

From  the  facts  thus  ascertained  we  shall  also  draw 
conclusions  which  may  be  of  practical  use  in  dealing 
with  the  problem.  For  while  the  wealth  represented 
by  and  the  number  of  persons  interested  in  the  liquor 
traffic  indicate  the  economic  forces  which  resist  efforts 
to  restrict  the  consumption  of  intoxicants,  other  facts, 
which  will  be  referred  to  in  their  proper  place,  will 
show  us  some  of  the  economic  forces  which  work 
against  the  traffic,  and  which  powerfully  promote  tem- 
perance. 


18  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

Magnitude  of  the  Liquor  Interest. 

Looking  first  at  the  report  of  the  Department  of 
Labor,  we  learn  that  the  farm  produce  consumed  in 
the  production  of  various  kinds  of  liquors  in  1896  was 
about  58,000,000  bushels,  if  we  add  together  the  dif- 
ferent grains  alone.  This  included  about  0.93  per 
cent,  of  the  consumption  of  corn,  11.27  per  cent,  of 
the  consumption  of  rye,  and  40.44  per  cent,  of  the 
consumption  of  barley  (p.  31).  The  total  product 
of  aU  kinds  of  liquors  in  1890  was  $289,775,639,  of 
which  1182,731,622  was  represented  by  malt  liquors, 
8104,197,869  by  distilled  liquors,  and  $2,846,148  by 
vinous  liquors  (p.  27).  The  cajaital  invested  in  the 
liquor  traffic  of  all  kinds  was  estimated  in  1896  at 
over  $957,000,000  (p.  50),  of  which  59  per  cent,  was 
found  in  the  retail  trade  exclusively,  and  15  per  cent, 
in  the  retail  trade  combined  with  some  other  business. 
The  total  revenue  collected  in  1896  by  the  Federal 
Government,  states,  counties,  and  cities,  was  about 
$183,213,124  (p.  65).  It  is  estimated  that  no  less 
than  191,519  proprietors  of  establishments  are  inter- 
ested in  different  forms  of  the  liquor  traffic,  and  that 
they  employ  241,755  persons.  A  great  many  of  these 
people  devote  only  a  part  of  their  time  to  the  liquor 
traffic.  It  is  estimated  that  it  would  have  required 
172,931  employees  to  carry  on  the  business,  if  they  had 
devoted  their  entire  time  to  it  (p.  51).  Adding  to- 
gether the  employees  and  the  proprietors,  we  thus  learn 
that  the  liquor  traffic  suffices  to  give  employment  to 
over  364,000  persons,  and  if  we  assume  that  each  of 
these  breadwinners  maintains  on  the  average  a  family 


REPORT  OF  THE   SUB-COMMITTEE.  19 

of  four  persons  besides  himself,  we  have  a  sum  total  of 
over  1,800,000  persons  deriving  their  support  directly 
fi'om  the  manufacture  of  and  traffic  in  intoxicants, 
entirely  apart  from  the  farmers  who  produce  the  raw 
material,  and  the  transportation  agencies  which  trans- 
port it.  This  would  represent  a  population  as  great 
as  the  combined  population  of  New  Hampshire,  Ver- 
mont, Rhode  Island,  and  Connecticut  in  1890,  and 
would  be  about  three  quarters  of  the  population  of 
the  colonies  at  the  time  of  the  revolt  against  Great 
Britain.  These  figures  give  us  some  idea  of  the  mag- 
nitude of  the  economic  interests  represented  by  the 
traffic. 

The  economist  naturally  asks,  however,  whether  all 
of  this  wealth  and  all  of  this  activity  constitute  a 
real  addition  to  the  economic  power  of  the  country. 
Whether  alcohol  is  a  poison  or  a  food  is  a  question 
for  physiologists,  not  for  statisticians,  and  we  do  not 
propose  to  enter  into  it  here.  Whatever  its  possible 
effects  may  be  upon  the  human  system  in  small  doses, 
all  agree  that,  when  taken  in  excess,  it  may  diminish 
the  power  to  labor,  and  lead  to  poverty  and  crime.  By 
measuring  the  effects  of  liquor  which  involve  a  direct 
charge  upon  the  public,  we  may  thus  ascertain  a  part 
of  the  loss  of  wealth  occasioned  by  intoxicants.  We 
do  not,  of  course,  pretend  to  estimate  the  total  loss  to 
the  country.  We  cannot,  for  example,  tell  how  heavy 
is  the  burden  borne  in  silence  by  families  and  individ- 
uals on  account  of  the  drinking  habits  of  relatives,  nor 
can  we  ascertain  to  what  extent  disease,  or  loss  of  vital- 
ity, or  of  productive  power  is  occasioned  by  liquor  in 
those  who  may  still   be  self-sui^porting,  but   are   not 


20  THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

as  efficient  wealth  producers  as  they  otherwise  would 
be.  Looking,  then,  simply  at  the  burden  entailed  upon 
the  public,  it  naturally  divides  itself  into  two  general 
classes,  that  occasioned  by  poverty,  and  that  occasioned 
by  crime.  In  the  former,  again,  we  must  distinguish 
between  the  poverty  treated  in  almshouses,  the  poverty 
treated  by  private  charities,  and  the  destitution  of 
children  treated  by  special  institutions  established  for 
them.  Inasmuch  as  the  percentages  for  various  classes 
in  the  figures  derived  from  private  charities  run  closely 
parallel  to  those  derived  from  almshouses,  differing 
somewhat  in  their  aggregate,  but  differing  compara- 
tively little  in  their  relations  to  each  other,  we  may 
very  properly  treat  all  the  various  forms  of  destitution 
together. 

Poverty  Due  to  Liquor. 

In  studying  the  causes  of  poverty,  we  are  confronted 
with  a  very  obvious  difficulty  in  that  individual  cases 
may  often  be  attributed  to  more  than  one  cause.  Thus 
a  person  may  be  at  once  intemperate  and  lazy ;  an- 
other may  have  met  with  special  misfortune,  but  at  the 
same  time  be  shiftless  ;  a  third  may  be  sick  from  a 
disease  which  might  have  been  avoided  by  more  regu- 
lar habits.  The  ideal  method  of  investigation  would 
be  to  combine  the  causes  in  such  a  way  as  to  show  their 
relative  importance.  This  point  of  view  was  empha- 
sized by  Professor  Warner  and  Dr.  Dike  before  the 
American  Statistical  Society,^  and  more  recently  some 
special  arithmetical  methods  of  showing  these  complex 

*  See  Publications  of  the  American  Statistical  Society,  vol.  i.  pp. 
184  and  201. 


REPORT   OF  THE  SUB-COMMITTEE.  21 

relations  have  been  proposed.^  In  investigating  a 
single  cause,  however,  it  was  obviously  impossible  to 
adopt  any  such  method ;  and  it  seemed  better,  espe- 
cially as  no  statistical  method  for  accomplishing  this 
difficult  task  had  been  generally  accepted  among  econ- 
omists, to  simply  ask  the  question  whether  or  not  the 
use  of  liquor  had  been  a  cause  of  poverty  in  the  cases 
investigated.  In  many  of  the  cases  which  make  up  our 
totals,  it  is  to  be  assumed  that  other  causes  contributed 
to  the  impecunious  condition  of  the  subject.  It  is  also 
to  be  understood  that  in  no  case  was  intemperance 
given  as  the  cause  of  poverty,  unless  it  was  so  impor- 
tant that  without  it  the  poverty  would  probably  not 
have  existed,  and  unless  it  was  obviously  the  principal 
and  determining  cause. 

As  a  general  residt  of  our  investigation,  we  may 
state  that,  of  the  poverty  which  comes  under  the  view 
of  the  charity  organization  societies,  about  25  per  cent. 
can  be  traced  directly  or  indirectly  to  liquor,  18  per 
cent,  of  the  persons  studied  having  brought  on  their 
poverty  through  the  personal  use  of  liquor,  and  9  per 
cent,  attributing  it  to  the  intemperance  of  parents  or 
others.  The  general  percentage  is  less  than  the  sum 
of  the  partial  percentages,  because  in  some  cases  liquor 
acted  both  as  a  direct  and  as  an  indirect  cause.  Of 
the  poverty  found  in  almshouses,  37  per  cent,  can  be 
traced  to  liquor,  and  of  this  again  32  per  cent,  is  due 
to  the  personal  habits  of  the  inmates,  and  8  per  cent,  to 

^  On  this  subject  see  "  A  Statistical  Study,"  by  A.  M.  Simons, 
America?!  Journal  of  Sociology,  March,  1898,  pp.  614-622  ;  and 
"  A  New  '  Xational  Blank,'  "  by  Philip  W.  Ayres,  Charities  Re- 
vieW)  December,  1898,  p.  469. 


22  THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

the  intemperance  of  others.  In  the  case  of  the  desti- 
tution of  children,  not  less  than  45  per  cent,  was  found 
to  be  due  to  the  liquor  habits,  either  of  parents,  guar- 
dians, or  others.  While  we  cannot  state  in  the  aggre- 
gate how  large  a  burden  this  represents  for  the  United 
States,  our  percentages  enable  any  one  to  estimate  with 
a  fair  degree  of  accuracy  how  great  the  burden  in  any 
fairly  representative  State  or  subdivision  of  a  State 
may  be,  of  which  the  total  can  be  ascertained. 

It  is  not  enough,  however,  to  get  general  figures, 
since  they  include  many  heterogeneous  elements  ;  per- 
haps more  important  and  more  valuable  are  the  figures 
which  show  the  different  percentages  for  different 
classes  of  the  community.  Our  tables  and  the  report 
of  Mr.  Koren  give  the  figures  in  detail.  In  this  place 
it  will  suffice  to  bring  out  the  more  salient  results,  show- 
ing the  difference  (1)  between  the  sexes  ;  (2)  between 
those  of  different  political  condition  ;  (3)  between 
different  occupations;  and  finally  between  different 
races  and  nationalities  in  the  United  States. 

Looking  first  of  all  at  sex,  we  find,  as  we  should 
expect,  a  great  preponderance  of  cases  of  the  male  sex. 
Of  the  male  paupers  in  almshouses  oyer^42  per  cent., 
of  the  women  only  16|  per  cent.,  came  to  their  poverty 
through  the  use  of  liquor.  If,  however,  we  look  at 
liquor  as  an  indirect  cause,  we  find  the  figures  re- 
versed. While  only  6  per  cent,  of  the  men  owed  their 
poverty  to  the  intemperate  habits  of  others,  12.7  per 
cent,  of  the  women  were  in  this  unfortunate  condition. 
A  still  greater  contrast  is  found  in  the  case  of  the 
applicants  for  private  charity.  Of  such  male  appli- 
cants 22.7  j)er  cent,  became  poor  on  account  of  liquor, 


REPORT   OF  THE   SUB-COMMITTEE.  23 

and  of  females  only  12.4  per  cent. ;  but  again,  if  we 
look  at  liquor  as  an  indirect  cause,  we  find  that  only 
3.8  per  cent,  of  tlie  men  could  charge  their  poverty 
upon  the  intemperance  of  others,  while  17  per  cent, 
of  the  women  could  do  so.  The  picture  which  these 
figures  call  up  of  the  lives  of  women  ruined  by  the 
intemperance  of  their  husbands  or  fathers  is  too  sig- 
nificant to  need  any  comment. 

If  we  compare  the  political  condition  of  the  poor, 
the  contrast  between  classes  is  not  as  striking,  but  still 
important.  Looking  first  at  the  paupers  in  almshouses, 
we  find  that  while  32  per  cent,  in  the  aggregate  owed 
their  condition  to  the  personal  use  of  liquor,  these 
were  distributed  very  unequally  among  the  different 
classes.  The  aliens  make  the  most  favorable  showing, 
and  give  only  23  per  cent,  of  liquor  cases ;  the  citizens 
born  come  next  with  an  average  of  29  per  cent.,  while 
the  naturalized  citizens  figure  to  the  extent  of  43  per 
cent.  The  cases  due  to  the  intemperate  habits  of 
others  show  less  difference  in  the  percentages.  The 
returns  from  the  charity  organization  societies  tell  the 
same  story.  While  among  aliens  only  14  per  cent, 
have  become  destitute  through  the  personal  use  of  liquor, 
the  citizens  born  return  17  per  cent,  of  such  cases, 
and  the  naturalized  citizens  25  per  cent.  The  figures 
regarding  the  personal  use  of  liquor  seem  to  indicate 
one  or  both  of  two  things  :  either  that  those  nationali- 
ties which  are  most  addicted  to  liquor  are  those  which 
are  most  apt  to  become  naturalized,  or  that  the  effect 
of  naturalization  is  to  encourage  drinking.  The  for- 
mer explanation  is  in  all  probability  the  true  one. 

The  tables  with  regard  to  parentage  bring  out  a. 


24  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

good  many  facts  whicli  will  well  repay  study  in  detail. 
A  single  one  will  here  be  referred  to.  In  the  tables 
regarding  pauperism  it  appears  that  while  those  who 
have  two  foreign  parents  show  more  cases  of  pauperism 
due  to  liquor  than  those  whose  parents  are  native, 
those  who  have  a  foreign  father  and  a  native  mother 
give  a  higher  percentage  than  either.  The  percentage 
of  pauperism  due  to  the  personal  use  of  liquor  when 
both  parents  are  native  is  26 ;  when  both  parents  are 
foreign,  it  is  35  ;  and  when  the  father  is  foreign  and 
the  mother  native,  it  is  41.  When  the  conditions 
are  reversed,  the  father  being  native  and  the  mother 
foreign,  the  percentage  is  only  31. 

In  the  tables  based  upon  the  returns  of  the  charity 
organization  societies,  we  do  not  find  quite  the  same 
contrast,  the  percentage  of  cases  due  to  intemperance 
being  about  the  same  for  those  who  have  a  foreign 
father  and  a  native  mother  as  for  those  whose  two 
parents  are  foreign.  In  both  cases  it  is  a  little  over 
21  per  cent.,  but  we  still  find  that  the  combination  of 
a  foreign  father  with  a  native  mother  is  worse  than  the 
combination  of  a  native  father  with  a  foreign  mother. 
It  may  be  that  this  fact  is  explained  by  the  considera- 
tion that  native  women  who  marry  foreigners  do  not, 
as  a  rule,  belong  to  the  most  steady  and  conservative 
classes.  But  whatever  the  true  explanation  may  be, 
the  fact  is  in  itself  worthy  of  consideration. 

Particularly  interesting  are  the  returns  which  dis- 
tinguish nationalities  and  races.  In  a  country  which 
has  so  many  race  problems  to  solve,  this  part  of  the 
investigation  must  have  a  very  practical  bearing  upon 
positive  methods.     The  comparison  of  races  is  some- 


REPORT  OF  THE  SUB-COMMITTEE.  25 

what  vitiated  by  the  fact  that  many  of  them  are  but 
feebly  represented  in  the  tables,  and  that,  therefore, 
the  percentages  must  be  more  accidental  than  in  the 
case  in  which  we  have  very  large  numbers.  Thus,  if 
we  look  at  the  charity  organization  figures  first,  we  find 
that  those  nationalities  which  show  the  smallest  per- 
centages of  liquor  cases  are  Italy,  Russia,  Austria,  and 
Poland,  but  in  all  of  these  the  totals  are  small.  If 
we  take  the  rest,  which  are  more  largely  represented, 
we  find  that  the  Germans  lead,  only  14  per  cent,  of 
their  applicants  being  chargeable  to  the  liquor  habit. 
Norway  and  Sweden  follow  with  16  per  cent.,  the 
United  States  with  17  per  cent.,  England  with  18  per 
cent.,  while  Canada  and  Scotland  show  21  per  cent., 
and  Ireland  29  per  cent. 

The  relative  rank  of  the  different  nationalities,  as 
given  in  these  figures,  is  strikingly  confirmed  by  the 
returns  from  the  almshouses.  The  percentages  them- 
selves are  naturally  all  higher,  but  the  different  nations 
come  in  almost  exactly  the  same  order.  Here  we  find 
that  the  Italians,  Poles,  and  Austrians  lead,  with  per- 
centages running  from  9  to  14 ;  next  come  the  Germans 
with  25  per  cent.,  the  Scandinavians  with  27  per 
cent.,  the  native-born  with  29  per  cent.,  the  Canadians 
with  32  per  cent.,  the  English  and  Scotch  with  39  per 
cent.,  and  the  Irish  with  40  per  cent. 

If  we  compare  the  Caucasian  race  with  the  Negroes 
on  the  one  hand  and  the  native  Indians  on  the  other, 
we  find  that  the  liquor  habit  is  apparently  not  very 
jsrevalent  among  the  Negroes.  They  show  an  aggre- 
gate of  but  9  per  cent,  in  the  charity  organization 
societies,  and  of  17  per  cent,  in  the  almshouses,  as  com- 


26  THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

pared  with  19  per  cent,  and  33  per  cent,  for  white 
people  in  the  same  schedules,  and  these  figures  are 
strikingly  confirmed  by  the  careful,  detailed  reports 
made  by  a  large  number  of  correspondents  in  the 
South,  as  well  as  by  the  personal  investigations  of  Mr. 
Koren.  Indeed,  the  Negroes  being,  with  few  excep- 
tions, native  born,  lower  the  average  for  the  native- 
born  Americans,  which  would  be  about  19  per  cent, 
in  the  charity  organization  societies,  were  it  not  for 
the  Negro  element.  The  Indians,  on  the  other  hand, 
though  they  do  not  appear  in  any  of  our  statistics, 
obviously  represent  the  other  extreme,  and  from  the 
reports  of  Indian  agents  and  other  correspondents,  it 
appears  that  they  drink  more  for  the  sake  of  intoxi- 
cation and  less  for  social  pleasure  than  any  other  race 
in  our  country,  and  that  the  effects  of  liquor  upon 
them  are  worse.  While  the  Negro  recovers  rapidly 
from  the  effects  of  drink,  the  drunken  Indian  is  a 
person  whom  it  is  well  to  avoid. 

We  cannot  draw  conclusions  from  a  study  of  occu- 
pations with  the  confidence  which  we  feel  in  studying 
the  different  races,  partly  because  it  was  not  feasible 
to  collect  occupation  statistics  from  the  private  societies, 
and  partly  because  the  occupations  considered  are  so 
numerous  that,  in  many  cases,  the  totals  for  each 
occupation  are  very  small,  and  the  percentages  are 
liable  to  be  accidental.  Such  figures  as  we  have  show, 
however,  that  the  saloon-keepers  lead :  84  per  cent,  of 
those  enumerated  in  almshouses  are  found  to  owe  their 
condition  to  the  use  of  liquor.  Next  come  the  sailors 
with  58  per  cent.,  the  butchers  with  57  per  cent.,  the 
printers  and  iron  and  steel  workers  with  55  per  cent. 


REPORT  OF  THE  SUB-COMMITTEE.  27 

each.     In  general,  the  more  skillful  occupations  do  not\ 
make  a  favorable  showing  as  compared  with  the  un-/ 
skilled.     Thus  the  iron  and  steel  workers  and  printersl 
the  cooks  and  waiters,  the  machinists,  all  give  a  per-( 
centage  of  50  or  over,  while  laborers  show  but  44  per\ 
cent.,  mill  operatives  43  per  cent.,  and  farmers  33  per   \ 
cent.     The  intemperance  of  sailors  is  a  familiar  pheno-    / 
menon,  due  partly  to  the  fact  that  their  life  precludes 
the  formation  of  a  high  standard  of  living  or  a  settled 
domestic  existence,  and  that,  therefore,  when  turned 
adrift  on  land,  they  are  very  apt  to  spend  their  earnings- 
in  sensual  enjoyment.     In  the  case   of  the  printers,  1 
machinists,  and  iron  and  steel  workers,  it  is  probable  ( 
that  their  intemperance  is  due  to  the  strain  of  working  / 
under  high  pressure,  and  to  the  exhaustion  produced  \ 
by  unsanitary  conditions.     It  should  be  said,  however,     ', 
that  these  figures  do  not  necessarily  measure  the  in- 
temperance  of   the   various   occupations.       We   have 
counted,  not  the  whole  of  the  trade,  but  only  those 
members   of  the   trade  who   are   in   almshouses.     In 
general,  the  higher  the  earnings  of  any  person,  the  less 
likely  is  he  to  become  a  pauper  except  through  some 
fault  of   his   own.     We    should,   therefore,   naturally 
look  for  a  large  percentage  of   liquor  cases    in    the 
better    paid    occupations.       This    same    consideration 
should  be  borne  in  mind  in  interpreting  the  figures 
relating  to  other  classes  of  paupers. 

The  charity  organization  societies  deal  in  the  main 
with  adults,  as  do  also  the  almshouses.  As  shown  by 
our  statistics,  45  per  cent,  of  the  inmates  of  almshouses 
enter  between  the  ages  of  50  and  69.  In  order  to  get 
a  fair  view,  therefore,  of  the  poverty  occasioned  by 


28  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

drink,  it  is  necessary  to  make  a  special  investigation 
of  destitute  children.  While  the  number  of  children 
studied  by  us  is  only  5136  as  against  some  37,000 
adults,  we  believe  that  we  have  covered  sufficient  ground 
to  indicate  fairly  how  large  a  part  of  the  destitution  of 
children  is  due  to  the  abuse  of  liquor.  This  part 
of  the  study  was  made  through  three  different  agen- 
cies :  through  societies  for  the  prevention  of  cruelty 
to  children  and  humane  societies,  dealing  chiefly  with 
children  of  the  lowest  class;  through  state  organiza- 
tions of  the  National  Children's  Home  Society,  dealing 
with  many  illegitimate  infants  ;  and  through  two  state 
public  schools,  which  are,  in  fact,  state  orphan  asylums. 
The  general  average  derived  from  these  cases  shows 
that  nearly  45  per  cent,  of  the  children  harbored  owed 
their  destitution  to  the  intemperance  of  parents,  while 
nearly  46  per  cent,  owed  their  destitution  to  the  in- 
temperance of  parents  and  others  together.  The  worst 
phase  of  the  poverty  occasioned  by  drink  is  thus  seen 
to  be  in  the  fact,  not  that  the  drinker  himself  suffers, 
but  that  innocent  persons  suffer  still  more. 

When  we  distinguish  between  the  white  and  the  col- 
ored children,  we  find  the  same  contrast,  though  not 
so  marked,  as  was  found  in  the  case  of  pauperism  and 
poor  relief,  for  of  colored  children,  only  39  per  cent, 
owed  their  condition  to  the  drinking  habits  of  parents 
or  guardians,  while  nearly  46  per  cent,  of  the  white 
children  were  in  this  condition.  Comparing  children 
of  native-born  parents  with  those  of  foreign  extraction, 
we  find,  as  we  found  in  the  other  studies,  that  the 
native  Americans  appear  to  advantage  as  compared 
with  foreigners ;  43^  per  cent,  represented  the  propor- 


REPORT  OF  THE   SUB-COMMITTEE.  29 

tion  of  children  of  native  parents,  and  49|^  per  cent, 
the  proportion  of  children  of  foreign  parents  whose 
poverty  was  brought  on  by  liquor.  If  we  still  further 
analyze  the  parental  condition  of  these  children,  we 
find,  as  might  naturally  be  expected,  that  those  whose 
father  was  foreign  and  mother  unknown  furnished  the 
largest  percentage  of  liquor  cases,  nearly  60|  per  cent, 
in  all,  even  more  than  were  found  where  both  parents 
were  unknown.  We  also  find  that  those  who  had  a 
foreign  father  and  a  native  mother  supplied  a  larger 
percentage  of  liquor  cases  than  those  who  had  a  native 
father  and  foreign  mother.  These  figures  confirm  the 
results  obtained  from  the  study  of  pauperism  and 
poverty,  and  indicate  that,  for  some  reason,  the  com- 
bination of  a  foreign  father  with  a  native  mother,  or  a 
mother  of  unknown  nationality,  is  particularly  unfav- 
orable to  temperance. 

Crime  due  to  Liquor. 

The  study  of  crime  offers  peculiar  difficulties.  Crime 
being  an  intentional  act,  the  causes  must  be  facts  which 
influence  the  motives  of  men.  And  as  the  motives  of 
men  are  often  mixed,  it  is  evident  that  several  motives 
may  combine  to  cause  a  crime.  Crime  cannot,  there- j 
fore,  be  attributed  to  a  single  cause  as  easily  as  poverty.'^ 
This  fact  has  necessitated  a  somewhat  complicated 
method  of  classification,  under  which  we  have  not  only 
endeavored  to  ascertain  how  far  intemperance  was  a 
cause  of  crime,  but  also  how  far  it  was  a  first,  second, 
or  third  cause,  and  also  how  far  it  was  found  combined 
with  other  leading  causes,  notably  unfavorable  environ- 
ment and  lack  of  industrial  training,  in  bringing  about 


30  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

crime.  We  have"  also  been  obliged  to  make  a  further 
distinction,  and  to  separate  crimes  against  the  person 
from  those  against  property.  Our  tables  are  thus 
much  more  intricate  than  those  relating  to  pauperism 
and  poor  relief,  but  they  also  contain  many  facts  which 
go  beyond  the  immediate  scope  of  our  investigation, 
and  which  cannot  fail  to  be  of  value  to  the  criminolo- 
gist. The  danger  of  making  sweeping  statements  with 
regard  to  intemperance  as  a  cause  of  crime  is  nowhere 
better  illustrated  than  in  this  section  of  our  investiga- 
tion, and  the  reader  cannot  be  too  strongly  urged  to 
study  carefully  for  himself  the  tables  and  the  explana- 
tion of  them  given  by  Mr.  Koren  before  trying  to  reach 
general  conclusions.  A  few  only  of  the  leading  results 
need  be  referred  to  here. 

The  investigation  covered  13,402  convicts,  in  seven- 
teen prisons  and  reformatories  scattered  throughout 
twelve  States.  It  was  conducted  with  great  care,  in 
many  instances  by  the  chaplains,  in  others  by  the  su- 
perintendents of  the  institutions  in  question.  Of  the 
total  number  of  cases  thus  investigated,  it  appeared 
that  intemperance  figured  as  one  of  the  causes  of  crime 
in  nearly  50  per  cent.  It  was,  however,  a  first  cause 
in  only  31  per  cent.  While,  therefore,  intemperance 
appears  to  contribute  to  crime  in  nearly  half  the 
cases  investigated  by  us,  a  result  which  is  strikingly 
confirmed  by  the  investigation  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics  for  that  State,  it  was  al- 
most always  only  one  of  several  causes,  and  appeared 
as  a  leading  cause  in  less  than  a  third,  and  as  the  sole 
cause  in  but  16  per  cent.  The  difference  between  the 
importance  of  liquor  as  a  cause  of  crimes  against  pro- 


REPORT   OF  THE   SUB-COMMITTEE.  31 

perty  and  of  crimes  against  the  person  is  surprisingly 
small.  It  is,  as  would  be  expected,  somewhat  more 
prominent  in  crimes  against  the  person,  51^  per  cent, 
of  such  crimes  being  attributed  to  liquor,  either  on  the 
part  of  the  criminal  or  of  others ;  but  even  in  the  case 
of  crimes  against  property,  the  percentage  is  49  J. 

As  in  pauperism,  however,  we  find  considerable  dif- 
ferences between  the  showing  made  by  diJffiereut  nation- 
alities ;  and  the  order  in  which  the  races  are  ranked 
when  we  consider  intemperance  as  a  cause  in  general  of 
crime  is  similar  to  the  order  in  which  they  are  ranked 
when  we  consider  it  as  a  cause  of  pauperism,  though 
the  two  are  not  identical.  Thus  the  smallest  percent- 
age of  crime  due  to  intemperance,  25  per  cent.,  is  fur- 
nished by  the  Russians.  Next  come  the  Austrians 
with  34.62  per  cent.,  the  Germans  with  44.87  per  cent., 
the  Italians  with  50  per  cent.,  the  Americans  with 
50.23  per  cent.,  the  English  with  52.92  per  cent.,  the 
Poles  with  53.41  per  cent.,  the  Scandinavians  with 
56.25  per  cent.,  the  Irish  with  56.70  per  cent.,  the 
Canadians  with  56.74  per  cent.,  the  Scotch  with  58.33 
per  cent.  This  table  takes  no  account  of  the  Negro 
race,  who  constitute  but  2000  of  the  total  jail  popula- 
tion studied.  If  we  compare  them  with  the  whites,  we 
find  a  singular  contrast  to  the  results  of  the  tables  on 
pauperism  and  poverty  ;  for  while  intemperance  was 
a  cause  of  poverty  in  but  very  few  cases  among  the 
Negroes,  it  appears  as  a  cause  of  crime  in  a  larger  pro- 
portion of  cases  than  among  the  whites.  This  appar- 
ent contradiction  finds  its  explanation  in  the  fact 
already  mentioned,  that  while  the  effects  of  liquor 
upon  the  Negro  are  apt  to  be  temporary,  they  are,  at 


32  THE   LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

the  same  time,  more  acute.  Thus  a  Negro  under  the 
influence  of  liquor  is  much  more  apt  to  commit  some 
impulsive  crime  than  a  white  man.  He  is,  however, 
less  apt  to  become  permanently  a  slave  of  the  habit 
and  thus  to  sink  into  pauperism. 

The  Saloon. 

Having  considered  the  extent  to  which  pauperism 
and  crime  are  due  to  liquor,  in  our  country,  our  investi- 
gation would  be  incomplete  did  we  not  give  some  at- 
tention to  the  means  by  which  a  large  part  of  the 
liquor  is  conveyed  to  drinkers.  The  evils  of  excessive 
drinking  are  well  recognized,  and  yet  the  saloon  seems 
to  flourish  in  spite  of  these  evils.  We  must  therefore 
analyze  the  saloon,  as  we  have  analyzed  the  statistics 
of  pauperism  and  crime,  and  endeavor  to  learn  its  true 
nature.  The  reports  which  have  been  made  for  us  in 
several  large  cities,  especially  Chicago,  New  York, 
Boston,  and  San  Francisco,  concur  in  showing  that  the 
saloon,  though  supplying  the  means  of  intemperance, 
is  not  exclusively  devoted  to  this  purpose.  Its  charac- 
ter differs  naturally  with  the  locality  in  which  it  is  sit- 
uated, and  with  the  nationality  and  occupation  of  its 
patrons,  but  it  generally  attracts  custom  by  minister- 
ing to  the  social  wants  of  the  poor  nian.^  Here  he 
finds  companionship,  recreation,  literature,  even  kind- 
ness, and  help  in  trouble.  What  should  be  more 
natural  than  that  he  should  become  its  patron,  even 
though  the  desire  for  drink  may  not  be  very  strong? 

^  This  feature  of  the  saloon  was  graphically  described  more 
than  a  quarter  of  a  century  ago,  by  Charles  Loring  Brace,  in 
Dangerous  Classes  of  Neio  York,  p.  G4. 


REPORT   OF  THE   SUB-COMMITTEE.  33 

This  is  seen  in  the  fact  that  saloons  flourish  among 
nationalities  like  the  Jews  in  New  York,  which  are 
noted  for  their  moderation. 

The  observation  that  the  saloon  is  much  more  than 
a  device  for  producing  intoxication  is  confirmed  by 
experiences  which  are  not  detailed  in  our  report,  but 
which  have  come  to  the  writer  from  other  sources.  It 
has  been  found,  e.  </.,  that  in  New  Haven  a  coffee  bar, 
established  from  benevolent  motives  next  to  a  saloon 
and  offering  the  same  opportunities  for  sociability  and 
recreation  without  intoxicating  liquors,  was  able  to 
drive  the  saloon  out  of  business.  A  special  sub-com- 
mittee of  the  Committee  of  Fifty  is  making  an  investi- 
gation into  substitutes  for  the  saloon  in  large  cities, 
and  this  subject  will  doubtless  be  treated  much  more 
fully  in  their  report  than  it  can  be  here. 

The  main  fact,  however,  that  the  saloon  is  more 
than  a  mere  drinking  place,  and  that  it  supplies  many 
legitimate  wants  besides  the  craving  for  intoxication, 
should  be  frankly  recognized,  and  ought  to  be  of  help  to 
those  who  are  engaged  in  practical  efforts  to  counteract 
the  evils  of  intemperance.  This  part  of  our  investiga- 
tion has  been  carried  on  mainly  through  the  agency  of 
social  and  university  settlements,  and  these  institutions 
are  already  taking  advantage  of  the  knowledge  gained 
in  their  daily  experience  with  the  poor  to  offer  at  least 
some  of  those  counteracting  attractions  and  positive 
forces  without  which  the  driving  out  of  the  spirit  of 
drink  will  be  of  no  avail. 


34  THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

V.   ECONOMIC  FORCES  WORKING  FOR  AND  AGAINST  THE 
CONSUMPTION    OF  LIQUOR. 

The  large  interests  represented  by  the  capital  in- 
vested in  the  production  and  sale  of  liquors  and  the 
large  number  of  persons  who  gain  their  livelihood  in 
connection  with  it  do  not  necessarily  represent  a  force 
working  for  intemperance.  They  certainly  indicate, 
however,  some  measure  of  the  resistance  which  must 
be  encountered  in  any  effort  to  abolish  or  restrict  the 
use  of  liquor,  and  they  explain  the  success  with  which 
radical  reformatory  measures  are  often  thwarted.  Yet 
these  figures,  formidable  as  they  are,  are  not  altogether 
discouraging.  The  largest  interests  are  represented  by 
the  least  alcoholic  beverages.  While  in  1890  the  man- 
ufacture of  malt  liquors  gave  emjiloyment  to  34,800 
persons  and  yielded  a  product  of  $182,700,000,  the 
manufacture  of  distilled  liquors  employed  but  5343 
persons  and  yielded  a  product  of  but  $104,000,000.^ 
And  if  we  look  at  the  consumption  of  liquors  for  a 
series  of  years,  we  find  a  marked  decline  in  the  more 
alcoholic  varieties.  Since  1840  there  has  been  a  steady 
substitution  of  malt  liquors  for  distilled  liquors  in  the 
consumption  of  the  people.^  The  consumption  of  the 
latter  has  fallen  from  2.52  gallons  per  capita  to  1, 
while  the  consumption  of  the  former  has  risen  from 
1.36  to  15.16.  While  therg  has  been  an  increase  in 
the  total  quantity  consumed,  the  substitution  of  light 
drinks  for  strong  drinks  has  brought  about  a  diminu- 
tion  in   the  amount  of  alcohol  consumed   per  capita. 

1  12th  Annual  Report  of  the  Department  of  Labor,  p.  27. 

2  12th  Annual  Report  of  the  Department  of  Labor,  p.  35. 


.  REPORT   OF  THE   SUB-COMMITTEE.  35 

Moreover,  though  the  per  capita  consumption  of  malt 
liquors  has  been  nearly  stationary  since  1890,  the  con- 
sumption of  distilled  liquors  has  fallen  by  nearly  one 
third  in  that  time.  How  far  modern  methods  of  pro- 
duction have  influenced  this  change,  how  far  it  is  due 
to  German  immigration  or  other  causes,  cannot  be 
stated  with  certainty.  The  fact  remains  that  our  pro- 
gress has  been  in  the  direction  of  moderation. 

Nor  does  this  seem  to  be  fortuitous.  There  are 
very  powerful  economic  forces  which  almost  compel 
moderation  in  modern  industry.  It  does  not  seem  too 
optimistic  to  say  that  a  complete  change  has  taken 
place  in  the  habits  of  the  wage-earning  class  since  the 
days,  in  the  early  part  of  this  century,  when  men  went 
on  strike  for  the  sake  of  getting  their  rations  of  rum. 
It  was  considered  a  remarkable  achievement  in  1817 
for  a  ship  to  be  completed,  in  spite  of  such  resistance, 
without  the  use  of  liquor  in  any  form,^  and  James 
Brewster  had  to  overcome  a  long-established  custom 
when  he  put  a  stop  to  drinking  in  his  carriage  factory 
in  New  Haven,  early  in  the  century. 

This  change  has  been  furthered  by  two  agencies  : 
the  self-interest  of  the  employed  on  the  one  hand,  and 
the  self-interest  of  the  employers  on  the  other.  Not 
only  were  rations  of  grog  common  among  mechanics 
in  the  early  days  of  the  century,  but  the  early  labor 
organizations  were  almost  always  more  or  less  asso- 
ciated with  drink.  It  was  common  in  England  for  the 
unions  to  meet  in  public  houses,  and  a  certain  allow- 
ance, known  as  "  liquor  allowance,"  was  made  for 
drinks.  Even  as  late  as  1837,  according  to  Mr.  and 
1  Wright,  Industrial  Evolution,  p.  276. 


36  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

Mrs.  Webb,^  the  rules  of  the  Steam  Engine  Makers' 
Society  directed  that  one  third  of  the  weekly  contri- 
bution should  be  spent  in  the  refreshment  of  the 
members.  The  executive  committees  of  the  larger 
societies,  however,  began  to  oppose  this  custom,  and 
in  the  revision  of  1846  the  provision  just  quoted  was 
left  out  of  the  rules  of  the  society. 

As  the  unions  have  become  larger  and  wealthier, 
they  have  been  able  to  emancipate  themselves  from 
the  public  houses  by  having  their  own  places  of  meet- 
ing, while  the  importance  of  keeping  sober  during 
strikes  has  impressed  itself  more  and  more  upon  them. 
The  very  magnitude  of  their  financial  operations  neces- 
sitates the  election  of  temperate  men  to  the  higher 
offices,  and  the  development  of  an  elaborate  system  of 
insurance  benefits  gives  each  member  a  direct  interest 
in  the  sobriety  of  his  fellows.  No  member  of  a  union 
wants  to  feel  that  his  contributions,  laboriously  saved 
from  small  earnings,  are  to  be  used  up  for  the  support 
of  a  drunken  fellow  member. 

What  is  true  of  English  unions  is  true  to  a  large 
extent  of  our  own,  and  as  far  as  their  public  utter- 
ances are  concerned,  our  unions  stand  strictly  for  mod- 
eration, in  spite  of  occasional  lapses  on  the  part  of 
walking  delegates  and  others.  Injunctions  in  favor  of 
moderation  are  found  in  many  passages  of  their  rules. 
Thus,  in  some  cases,  the  rules  provide  that,  if  a  man 
is  discharged  on  account  of  drunkenness,  no  steps  shall 
be  taken  to  reinstate  him,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Iron, 
Steel,  and  Tin  Workers.  In  many  cases  the  liquor 
^  The  History  of  Trade  Unionism,  p.  185. 


REPORT  OF  THE  SUB-COMMIT'TEE.  37 

traffic,  as  such,  is  tabooed,  and  a  man  who  goes  into 
it  is  excluded  from  the  union.  This  is  done  by  the 
Metal  Polishers,  the  Core  Makers,  the  Iron  Moulders, 
the  Retail  Clerks,  and  the  Knights  of  Labor.  In  still 
other  cases  the  person  is  excluded  from  the  benefits 
to  which  he  would  be  entitled  in  case  of  sickness, 
accident,  or  unemployment.  This  is  true  of  the  Iron 
Moulders,  the  Blacksmiths,  the  Amalgamated  Society 
of  Carpenters  and  Joiners,  the  Wood  Workers,  the 
Painters  and  Decorators,  the  Leather  Workers  on 
Horse  Goods,  the  Tobacco  Workers,  the  Cigar  Mak- 
ers, and  the  Retail  Clerks.  Many  unions  fine  or 
otherwise  punish  those  who  attend  meetings  in  an  in- 
toxicated condition,  and  the  Trades  and  Labor  Council 
of  Fort  Wayne,  Ind.,  goes  so  far  as  to  provide  that 
"the  Council  shall  never,  on  any  occasion,  where  it 
is  giving  a  demonstration,  celebration,  excursion,  pic- 
nic, ball,  or  entertainment  of  any  description,  sell  in- 
toxicating liquors  itself,  or  grant  the  privilege  to  sell 
intoxicating  liquors  to  any  person  or  persons,  firm, 
society,  or  company." 

The  employers,  on  the  other  hand,  equally  feel  the 
importance  of  sobriety  as  a  means  of  preventing  acci- 
dents, of  insuring  good  work,  and  of  securing  responsi- 
bility. The  report  made  by  the  Department  of  Labor 
on  this  subject  reveals  an  agency  which  has  hitherto 
been  little  noticed.  The  schedule  of  inquiries  issued 
by  the  Department  brought  returns  from  over  7000 
establishments,  employing  1,700,000  persons.  These 
establishments  are  no  small  fraction  of  the  industry 
of  the  country.  In  transportation  lines,  713  replied, 
representing  458,000  employees.      Of  the  6976  who 


431^1^ 


38  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

answered  the  specific  inquiry  regarding  liquor,  5363 
reported  that  means  were  taken  to  ascertain  the  hab- 
its of  employees,  and  1794  prohibited,  more  or  less 
strictly,  drinking.  In  most  of  these  cases,  the  philan- 
thropic motive  seems  to  have  counted  for  little.  Of 
the  1794  who  restrict  their  employees  in  the  use  of 
intoxicating  liquors,  28  give  as  their  reason,  "  to  make 
good  example  for  other  employees ; "  two,  "  to  guard 
against  temptation ; "  and  two,  "  for  the  good  of  em- 
ployees." Generally,  the  object  is  either  to  prevent 
accidents,  or  to  secure  better  work,  better  economy,  or 
greater  responsibility  in  positions  of  trust. 

As  more  things  are  done  by  machinery,  as  trolley- 
cars  supplant  horse -cars,  as  implements  of  greater 
precision  and  refinement  take  the  place  of  cruder  ones, 
as  the  speed  at  which  machinery  is  run  is  increased, 
fts  the  intensity  with  which  people  work  becomes 
greater,  the  necessity  of  having  a  clear  head  during 
the  hours  of  labor  becomes  imperative,  and  the  very 
conditions  of  modern  business  life  necessitate  sobriety 
on  the  part  of  the  workers.  Those  who  would  find 
profitable  employment  realize  more  and  more  the  im- 
portance of  moderation  in  drink. 

Our  sub-committee,  having  been  appointed  to  inves- 
tigate the  economic  aspects  of  the  liquor  problem,  has 
intentionally  restricted  itself  to  that  field.  This  does 
not  mean  that  the  moral  or  other  aspects  of  the  pro- 
blem are  in  its  eyes  unimportant ;  but  inasmuch  as  these 
aspects  are  more  commonly  brought  into  prominence, 
it  seems  proper  that  this  committee  should  emphasize 
the  very  great  significance  of  the  purely  economic 
aspects,  not  only  as  indicating  one  phase  of  the  evil, 


REPORT   OF   THE   SUB-COMMITTEE.  39 

but  also  an  important  and  hitherto  neglected  agency  for 
its  cure.  Moral  agencies  are  often  powerful  means  of 
reform.  They  are  still  more  powerful  if  reinforced  by 
economic  considerations.  Our  investigation  shows,  as 
we  believe,  that  economic  forces  are  already  working 
in  the  direction  of  moderation  which  need  but  be 
stimulated  and  directed  to  become  effective  allies  of 
the  moral  agencies  which  are  attacking  the  evils  of  the 
liquor  habit. 

Respectfully  submitted  for  the  Economic  Sub-Com- 
mittee. 

HENRY  W.  FARNAM, 
January,  1899.  Secretary. 


CHAPTER  I. 

HISTORY   OF  THE   INVESTIGATION. 

This  volume  is  the  result  of  investigations  into  the 
relations  of  the  liquor  problem,  (1)  to  poverty,  (2)  to 
pauperism,  (3)  to  the  destitution  and  neglect  of  chil- 
dren, (4)  to  crime,  (5)  to  the  Negroes  of  the  United 
States,  (6)  to  the  Indians  of  the  United  States,  and 
(7)  the  result  of  studies  of  social  aspects  of  the  saloon 
in  large  cities. 

So  broad  a  field  of  research  had  been  mapped  out 
that  the  impossibility  of  covering  it  adequately  without 
generous  and  extensive  cooperation  on  the  part  of  com- 
petent investigators  was  at  once  apparent ;  for  it  was 
not  so  much  the  purpose  to  collect  and  compare  already 
existing  data,  as  to  secure  statistics  and  information  at 
first  hand.  In  a  work  of  this  nature  the  scope  of  the 
investigations  and  the  methods  and  mediums  of  inquiry 
employed  become  of  paramount  interest  to  the  reader. 

Drink  as  a  poverty-begetting  cause  has  been  studied 
among  two  groups  of  unfortunates  sufficiently  distinct 
to  render  misleading  a  comparison  of  statistics  relating 
to  them.  The  first  group  embraces  mainly  destitutes 
who  are  in  need  only  of  temporary  relief,  or  who  can 
be  made  at  least  partly  self-supporting,  with  a  sprin- 
kling of  the  permanently  poor  not  yet  institutionalized ; 
in  other  words,  the  group  still  struggles  against  pau- 
perism and  continues  to  mingle  with  the  ordinary  pop- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  INVESTIGATION.  41 

ulation  of  the  cities.  The  second  group  consists  of 
those  whose  poverty  has  become  fixed  and  therefore 
hopeless,  the  true  paupers,  who  liave  been  consigned  to 
that  last  haven  of  refuge,  the  almshouse. 

Although  the  dividing  line  between  poor  and  pau- 
pers, as  maintained  in  this  report,  may  seem  somewhat 
artificial,  since  locally  the  two  groups  merge  into  each 
other  at  several  points,  and  one  is  largely  recruited 
from  the  other,  their  separation  in  an  investigation  of 
the  present  order  appears,  nevertheless,  to  be  both  nat- 
ural and  fair.  While  pauperism  is  but  the  final  stage 
in  the  evolution  of  the  needy,  it  does  not  necessarily 
spring  from  the  same  causes  that  marked  the  first  stages 
in  the  process  ;  and  what  applies  to  those  who  need 
but  a  helping  hand  in  order  to  help  themselves  does 
not  perforce  apply  to  those  for  whom  all  hope  has  been 
abandoned. 

For  both  groups  the  inquiry  has,  broadly  speaking, 
been  limited  to  the  question.  How  far  is  intemperance 
the  direct  or  indirect  cause  of  want  ?  Its  correlative. 
How  far  is  intemperance  the  result  of  want  ?  has  not 
been  considered.  One  may  well  believe  that  many 
seek  forgetfulness  of  poverty's  spectre  in  drink,  and 
that  intemperance  in  general,  prior  to  its  becoming  the 
cause  of  misery,  is  the  effect  of  wretched  social  condi- 
tions among  certain  classes.  But  whether  intemper- 
ance had  its  origin  in  despondency  over  impending 
want,  or  in  despair  bred  by  actual  destitution,  it  soon 
ceases  to  operate  as  a  result  and  becomes  a  cause  of 
acuter  distress.  While  it  is  true  that  cause  and  result 
may  in  numerous  instances  be  so  closely  interwoven 
that  one  is  easily  mistaken  for  the  other,  it  is  only  as  a 


42  THE  LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

cause  of  want  that  intemperance  can  be  inquired  into 
with  some  assurance  of  reaching  definite  conclusions. 

POVEETT. 

How  far,  then,  is  intemperance  directly  or  indirectly 
the  cause  of  poverty  among  the  multitude  of  recipients 
of  aid  outside  public  institutions  ?  Replies  based  upon 
special  and  exhaustive  investigations  have  been  sought 
through  the  medium  of  those  who,  in  ministering  to 
want,  also  seek  to  discover  the  causes  of  want,  —  prin- 
cipally workers  in  charity  organization  societies  (asso- 
ciated charities)  and  kindred  bodies.  Although  per- 
haps a  majority  of  these  societies  tabulate  annually  the 
chief  causes  of  distress,  of  which  intemjDcrance  is  one, 
among  the  cases  coming  under  their  care,  it  seemed 
probable  that  a  searching  fresh  inquiry  with  regard  to 
drink  as  a  cause  of  poverty  would  yield  more  compre- 
hensive and  perhaps  truer  results.  Communications 
were  accordingly  addressed  to  societies  and  individuals 
requesting  their  co(3peration.  The  schedule  plan  of 
investigation  was  proposed,  that  is,  an  investigation 
by  means  of  blanks  calling  for  specific  information, 
which  were  to  be  filled  out,  one  blank  for  each  case  of 
distress  investigated  in  the  course  of  future  twelve 
months,  the  person  applying  for  assistance  being  con- 
sidered as  the  "  case,"  whether  representing  only  himself 
or  a  family. 

In  addition  to  particulars  concerning  age,  sex,  resi- 
dence, place  of  birth,  citizenship,  etc.,  it  was  endeav- 
ored to  ascertain,  relative  to  drink  as  the  cause  of  pre- 
sent poverty,  whether  it  was  due,  (1)  to  personal  use 
or  abuse  of  intoxicants,  or  (2  and  3)  to  the  intemperate 


HISTORY   OF   THE   INVESTIGATION.  43 

habits  of  parents  or  guardians,  especially  in  the  case  of 
a  young  person,  or  (4)  to  the  intemperate  habits  of 
others  (not  parents  nor  guardians).  It  will  be  seen 
that  the  last  query  was  intended  to  cover  all  cases  of 
adults  who  have  indirectly  become  the  victims  of  drink, 
whether  they  be  aged  persons  whom  inebriate  children 
neglect  to  support,  or  deserted  or  widowed  women  who 
owe  their  present  distress  to  the  intemperate  habits  of 
the  husband. 

In  response  to  the  requests  of  the  committee,  forty- 
six  agencies,  including  a  few  representatives  of  official 
benevolence,  signified  their  willingness  to  participate 
in  the  proposed  investigation.  Of  the  last-mentioned 
all  have  failed,  for  various  reasons,  to  complete  the 
inquiry,  or  regarded  it  impracticable  to  pursue  the 
methods  suggested.  Of  the  charity  organization  socie- 
ties and  allied  bodies,  but  two  refused  to  give  their 
services  for  other  reasons  than  their  inability  to  do  so  ; 
thirty-three  generously  redeemed  their  promises  and 
finished  the  task  undertaken ;  and  eight  gave  up  the 
attempt,  in  three  instances  on  account  of  the  death 
of  the  agents  who  began  the  work.  The  thirty-three 
organizations  represent  the  same  number  of  cities  in 
eighteen  States  and  the  District  of  Columbia.  To  those 
familiar  with  organized  charity  work  it  will  at  once  be 
plain,  from  the  list  of  names  printed  elsewhere,  that  a 
large  majority  of  the  best  equipped  societies  have  taken 
part  in  the  investigation.  Some  of  those  remaining 
passive  exist  hardly  more  than  in  name,  while  others 
are  mainly  relief-giving  organizations  working  on  the 
old  charity  lines. 

Statistics   have   been   obtained    relative   to   29,923 


44  THE  LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

causes  of  distress.  Nearly  all  ^  the  societies  have  fur- 
nished particulars  concerning  every  case,  either  new  or 
recurrent,  coming  under  their  observation  during  vari- 
ous periods  of  twelve  months,  stretching  from  about 
May,  1896,  to  June,  1898,  with  the  exception  that 
some,  for  lack  of  specific  information,  decided  not  to 
enter  "  office  cases  "  (mostly  tramjos  and  beggars  about 
whom  little  could  be  learned)  on  the  schedules.  The 
instances  in  which  ali'eady  existing  records  were  de- 
pended upon  rather  than  a  fresh  inquiry  comprise  about 
one  thousand  of  the  total  number  of  cases  reported. 

We  have,  then,  a  mass  of  statistical  material  from 
many  cities  with  populations  by  no  means  identical, 
collected  by  persons  of  different  temperaments,  mental 
habits,  degrees  of  training,  who  have  worked  under  dis- 
similar conditions,  and  are  no  more  free  from  preju- 
dices than  the  rest  of  humanity.  There  is  admittedly 
a  danger  that  the  "  personal  equation  "  may  become  a 
disturbing  element  in  an  investigation  like  the  present. 
Yet  it  may  fairly  be  asked  if  it  has  not,  on  the  whole, 
resulted  in  truer  averages  than  would  an  investigation 
in  which  each  case  has  been  examined  through  the 
same  spectacles.  The  degree  of  uniformity  discernible 
in  the  returns  is,  furthermore,  no  absolute  criterion  of 
their  accuracy.  Some  general  observations,  deducible 
from  the  returns  themselves,  on  the  causes  that  make 
for  a  divergence  of  the  statistics  gleaned  by  the  charity 

1  The  Charity  Organization  Society  of  New  York  reported 
cases  for  something  over  three  months,  that  of  Baltimore  for 
three  months,  while  the  returns  from  the  Chicago  Bureau  of 
Associated  Charities  are  mainly  from  the  Stock  Yards  Dis- 
trict. 


HISTORY   OF  THE   INVESTIGATION.  45 

organization  societies  are  in  place.  The  elements  of 
population,  chief  occupations,  and  general  social  condi- 
tions all  play  an  important  part.  It  makes  a  marked 
difference  whether  data  relative  to  intemperance  are 
drawn  from  a  population  largely  native  born,  or  from 
one  in  which  a  foreign  nationality  predominates.  It 
makes  a  difference  whether  the  units  entering  into  such 
statistics  are  from  a  place  in  which  the  deaf  and  dumb, 
the  blind,  the  feeble-minded,  and  demented  have  been 
institutionalized,  or  from  a  place  in  which  these  classes 
stiU  mingle  with  the  general  population.  Some  of  the 
societies  have  their  work  in  communities  where  the 
standard  of  living  and  average  intelligence  are  high, 
some  in  places  of  the  opposite  characteristics,  for  in- 
stance, in  factory  towns  where  low  wages  and  a  low 
moral  tone  prevail ;  some  deal  largely  with  the  de- 
graded poor  who  merely  seek  alms,  others  more  with 
the  self-respecting  unfortunates  ;  and  some  are  repre- 
sentative of  newer  localities  in  which  industrial  condi- 
tions may  at  times  produce  acute  distress,  but  where,  on 
the  whole,  comparatively  few  families  bear  the  stigma 
of  permanent  and  incurable  poverty. 

It  has  been  our  constant  endeavor  to  counteract  any 
possible  tendencies  among  investigators  either  to  under- 
value or  to  exaggerate  the  importance  of  intemperance 
as  the  cause  of  poverty.  Through  voluminous  corre- 
spondence as  well  as  through  personal  interviews  in 
many  instances,  it  has  been  possible  to  carefully  define 
the  bearings  of  the  principal  questions  asked,  and  to 
warn  against  a  too  broad  or  too  narrow  interpretation 
of  the  schedule.  Among  the  points  emphasized  in  the 
general  instructions,  the  following  may  be  mentioned: 


46  THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

To  give  a  case  the  benefit  of  reasonable  doubt;  to 
proceed  on  the  principle  of  "  sufficient  cause,"  that 
is,  to  give  intemperance  as  the  cause  of  distress  when, 
aside  from  other  contributing  causes,  it  appears  suffi- 
cient to  have  produced  want;  not  to  regard  the  ex- 
penditure of  a  portion  of  the  daily  wage  for  liquor,  if 
unaccompanied  by  habitual  drunkenness  or  incapacity 
for  work,  as  the  cause  of  distress,  unless  such  expendi- 
ture produces  want  for  the  family  while  a  daily  wage 
is  being  earned ;  to  inquire  fhinutely  into  the  indirect 
effects  of  drink,  particularly  in  the  cases  of  women  who 
have  lost  their  husbands,  or  been  deserted  by  them ;  to 
answer  all  questions  definitely  whenever  possible,  thus 
avoiding  the  introduction  of  large  unknown  statistical 
quantities. 

It  is  freely  confessed  that  not  all  sets  of  sched- 
ules bear  evidence  of  equally  careful  research.  Of  the 
localities  returning  a  comparatively  low  percentage  of 
intemperance,  some  appear  to  have  been  less  thor- 
oughly canvassed  than  others.  But  where  the  diver- 
gence from  the  average  has  been  conspicuous,  the 
reasons  for  it  have  been  sought  and  usually  obtained. 
In  order  to  prevent  errors,  thousands  of  schedules  were 
returned  for  corrections  and  verifications  to  those  fill- 
ing them  out.  In  addition  to  the  information  called 
for  in  the  blank,  many  organizations  have  given  a  con- 
cise history  of  the  case,  thus  affording  an  opportunity 
to  judge  of  the  facts  upon  which  the  conclusion  as  to 
intemperance  rests.  It  is  interesting  to  observe  that 
some  of  the  collaborators  have  found  their  statistics, 
the  accuracy  of  which  they  insist  upon,  to  be  quite  at 
variance  with  their  own  theories  or  anticipations. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  INVESTIGATION.  47 

So  far  as  known,  no  investigation  on  precisely  the 
same  lines  lias  been  undertaken  by  others.  In  his  ad- 
mirable work,  "  American  Charities,"  Professor  War- 
ner has  tabulated  interesting  statistics  relative  to  the 
causes  of  poverty,  based  upon  the  case  records  of  the 
charity  organization  societies  of  Baltimore,  Boston, 
Buffalo,  Cincinnati,  and  New  York  for  the  years 
1890-91  and  1891-92.  They  differ  from  those  given 
in  this  work  in  essential  respects.  Not  only  is  the  num- 
ber of  cases  reported  much  smaller,  being  less  than 
6500  for  either  year,  but  it  is  also  much  less  repre- 
sentative, being  derived  from  only  five  cities.  The 
scope  of  his  inquiry  was  also  quite  another.  The  sev- 
eral causes  of  destitution  were  sought,  thus  precluding 
the  possibility  of  a  minute  inquiry  into  the  direct  and 
indirect  bearings  of  inebriety  as  a  cause,  which,  as  will 
be  seen  later,  affects  the  results  materially.  Other 
similar  investigations  made  in  this  country  and  in  Eng- 
land deal  exclusively  with  the  almshouse  population, 
and  will  be  mentioned  under  another  head.  In  the 
"  Armenstatistik  des  Deutschen  Reichs  "  (part  of  the 
general  census  of  1885),  Bohmert's  "  Das  Armenwesen 
in  77  Stadten  Deutschlands,"  Dr.  Ernest  Mischler's 
"  Das  Armenwesen  in  Steiermark,"  and  the  few  other 
publications  of  continental  Europe  dealing  with  the 
causes  of  destitution,  the  recipients  of  public  aid  have 
generally  been  lumped  together  with  the  paupers  in 
almshouses.  This  fact  alone,  aside  from  other  weighty 
considerations,  renders  comparisons  of  doubtful  value. 


48  THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

PAUPERISM. 

Among  the  second  group  o£  destitutes,  the  inmates 
of  pauper  establishments,  the  study  of  inebriety  as  a 
cause  of  pauperism  is  beset  with  peculiar  difficulties. 
Here  greater  dependence  must  be  placed  on  the  per- 
sonal statement  of  the  individual  concerned  than  on 
the  knowledge  and  observations  of  others.  Within  the 
walls  of  the  almshouse  some  of  the  habits  of  the  former 
life  must  be  suppressed.  The  official  record  tells  per- 
haps who  the  inmate  is  and  whence  he  came,  but  not 
what  he  was  nor  how  he  lived.  After  years  of  an  apa- 
thetic existence  as  a  public  charge,  the  true  perspective 
of  the  past,  if  he  ever  saw  it,  may  be  lost  to  the  inmate 
himself,  and  there  may  be  no  one  to  tell  his  story  or 
who  has  ever  cared  to  learn  it.  How  rare  is  the  super- 
intendent of  an  almshouse  who  takes  further  inter- 
est in  his  wards  than  to  feed  and  clothe  them  need 
not  be  mentioned  to  those  who  are  acquainted  with 
pauper  administration  in  this  country,  tinged  as  it  is 
with  penny  politics  and  subject  to  incessant  rotation  in 
office.  Hence  the  officials  whose  immediate  services 
could  safely  be  enlisted  in  the  investigation  were  few 
in  number.  Scores  of  requests  for  cooperation  were 
made  in  vain  ;  and  occasionally,  as  later  developments 
have  shown,  confidence  was  misplaced. 

In  some  of  the  largest  almshouses  (New  York  city, 
Baltimore,  Cook  County,  111.,  and  in  all  the  New  Jer- 
sey institutions),  the  statistical  material  was  obtained 
by  trained  agents  chosen  for  this  particular  work  ;  in 
all  others,  through  superintendents  and  their  assistants. 
Similar  methods  of  inquiry  were  followed  as  for  the 


HISTORY   OF  THE   INVESTIGATION.  49 

first  group,  the  relations  of  inebriety  to  pauperism 
being  ascertained  through  the  same  set  of  questions. 
A  total  of  8420  inmates  of  fifty  institutions  in  ten 
States  is  accounted  for  in  the  returns.  The  very 
unequal  representation  of  the  diiferent  States  is  due  to 
the  impossibility  of  securing  the  right  sort  of  investi- 
gators, and  the  weeding  out  of  wortliless  or  incomplete 
schedules. 

Besides  the  personal  equation,  cognizance  must  be 
taken  of  the  fact  that  in  this  investigation  the  statisti- 
cal evidence  rests  so  largely  on  the  personal  statement 
of  the  individual  concerned.  What  allowance  must  be 
made  for  it  ?  In  a  number  of  the  smaller  institutions 
intimate  knowledge  of  the  histories  and  families  of 
inmates  has  enabled  the  investigators  to  guard  against 
possible  deception.  In  the  largest  almshouses  such 
knowledge  must,  of  course,  be  exceedingly  scant.  But 
in  these,  whenever  possible,  a  verification  of  the  purely 
personal  statements  was  sought  outside  the  institution. 
Thus,  for  example,  agents  of  the  New  York  Charity 
Organization  Society  generously  reinvestigated  many 
of  the  cases  reported  from  the  almshouse  of  that  city ; 
that  is,  made  inquiries  among  the  friends,  relatives, 
former  employers  of  the  paupers,  and  others.  Similar 
safeguards  were  resorted  to  elsewhere,  with  the  result 
that  the  original  statements  obtained  were  found  incor- 
rect or  doubtful  in  so  small  a  proportion  of  cases  as  not 
to  affect  perceptibly  the  general  results  one  way  or  the 
other.  All  our  experience  tends  to  confirm  the  convic- 
tion that,  when  approached  with  requisite  tact,  inmates 
of  almshouses  are,  on  the  whole,  disposed  to  tell  the 
truth  about  themselves  so  far  as  they  realize  it.     The 


50  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

feeling  that  otherwise  would  make  for  concealment  of 
the  past  does  not  thrive  amid  the  environments  of  the 
almshouse. 

The  variety  of  conditions  from  which  almshouse 
popidations  are  recruited  in  the  different  communi- 
ties is  necessarily  reflected  in  the  statistics  of  intem- 
perance. Paupers  in  remote  country  districts  do  not 
share  all  the  characteristics  of  pauj)ers  in  a  metropolis. 
Neither  does  one  find  every  poorhouse  to  be  just  what 
the  name  would  imply.  Some  institutions  are  truly 
asylums  for  the  "  aged  and  infirm,"  others  contain  at 
seasons  a  large  quota  of  fairly  able-bodied  tramps  and 
sots.  One  community  will  huddle  all  its  dependents, 
paupers,  insane,  feeble-minded,  and  demented,  under 
the  same  roof,  while  another  will  provide  separate 
establishments  for  the  different  classes  of  dependents. 
Occasionally  one  finds  an  almshouse  to  which,  in  lieu 
of  a  more  convenient  place,  magistrates  are  in  the 
habit  of  sending  all  habitual  drunkards.  Or  an  insti- 
tution may  be  partly  a  home  for  paupers  and  partly  a 
free  hospital  for  the  sick,  whether  actually  destitute  or 
not.  It  has  been  the  aim  to  exclude  from  the  returns 
all  but  genuine  paupers. 

An  exhaustive  study  of  the  relations  of  intemperance 
to  pauperism  in  the  State  of  Massachusetts  has  been 
made  by  the  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics  of  that  State 
(26th  Annual  Report,  1895).  Mr.  Charles  Booth  has 
made  available  information  on  the  same  subject  for  the 
Stepney  and  St.  Pancras  workhouses  in  England.  The 
German,  French,  Austrian,  and  Swiss  statistics  dealing 
with  the  causes  of  pauperism  have  already  been  referred 
to ;  they  do  not  afford  a  basis  for  fair  comparisons. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  INVESTIGATION.  51 

DESTITUTION   OF   CHILDREN. 

That  drink  is  associated  with  much  of  the  neglect 
and  destitution  suffered  by  children  has  long  been  a 
familiar  fact  to  charity  workers,  but  thus  far  it  has 
escaped  systematic  study.  The  casual  references  to  it 
in  institution  reports  and  a  few  statistical  publications 
do  not  afford  much  useful  information.  On  the  other 
hand,  a  separate  inquiry  into  the  matter  is  held  super- 
fluous by  some,  who  argue  that  the  same  causes  which 
are  active  in  the  production  of  poverty  and  crime  among 
adults  must  necessarily  work  destitution  and  neglect 
among  children.  According  to  this  reasoning,  the 
number  of  children  whose  lives  have  been  blighted  by 
the  intemperate  habits  of  others  is  pretty  much  in  direct 
ratio  to  the  number  of  children  whose  parents  have 
become  impoverished  or  criminal  through  drink.  But 
neither  is  this  assertion  demonstrable,  nor  does  it  cover 
the  whole  subject.  It  is  thinkable  that  of  the  thousands 
of  children  who  become  charges  upon  public  and  pri- 
vate charity  some,  whose  parents  are  not  paupers  or 
criminals,  may  nevertheless  owe  their  plight  to  intem- 
perance. One  need  but  think  of  the  swarms  of  ille- 
gitimate children,  the  orphans  and  half  orphans,  and 
of  those  for  whom  the  natural  supporters  cannot  find 
bread,  though  able  in  a  measure  to  take  care  of  them- 
selves. It  is,  therefore,  both  a  legitimate  and  impor- 
tant question  to  ask  to  what  extent  the  neglect  and 
destitution  of  children  is  due  to  the  intemperate  habits 
of  their  parents,  guardians,  or  others  ;  and  it  demands 
separate  investigation.  This  has  been  attempted  by 
the  statistical   method.     Although  but  little  detailed 


52  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

information  was  asked,  comparatively  few  representa- 
tives of  child-saving  agencies  would  take  the  trouble  to 
ascertain  it  when  in  position  to  do  so.  The  indifference 
of  officials  to  a  study  of  the  causes  of  the  misfortune 
to  which  they  are  daily  witnesses  was  more  pronounced 
than  in  the  investigations  relative  to  pauperism  and 
crime.  A  majority  of  the  requests  for  cooperation 
remain  unanswered,  or  were  rej^lied  to  in  a  manner 
which  precluded  further  correspondence. 

The  nature  of  the  iuformation  sought  has  been  suffi- 
ciently indicated.  After  eliminating  much  material 
for  lack  of  completeness,  there  were  left  as  the  results 
of  the  investigation  5136  cases  of  children  to  be  tabu- 
lated. They  were  obtained  through  the  kindness  of 
officers  of  the  National  Children's  Home  Society  in 
Colorado,  New  York,  and  Nebraska,  the  Board  of  Chil- 
dren's Guardians  in  Indiana,  the  State  Public  Schools 
of  Minnesota  and  Wisconsin,  and  Humane  Societies 
or  Societies  for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Children 
in  New  York,  Illinois,  and  Connecticut. 

CRIME. 

Althousfh  a  connection  between  drink  and  crime 
seems  definitely  established,  the  possibility  of  deter- 
mining statistically  how  far  inebriety  causes  crime  is 
doubted  by  many.  Even  among  those  who  do  not 
adopt  the  theory  of  a  discoverable  anthropological  type 
of  criminals,  some  whose  opinions  carry  weight  attach 
slight  importance  to  intemperance  as  an  active  and 
immediate  cause  of  criminal  conduct,  especially  among 
young  criminals,  while  freely  admitting  that  it  is  one 
of  the  causes  of  hereditary  degeneration.     And  in  the 


HISTORY  OF  THE  INVESTIGATION.  53 

degenerate  condition  of  the  organism  of  the  criminal 
they  find,  as  a  rule,  the  real  cause  of  anti-social  conduct. 
The  many  heinous  acts  committed  by  persons  while 
under  the  influence  of  liquor  seem  to  contradict  this 
view  ;  yet,  even  in  such  instances,  it  may  be  questioned, 
so  it  is  held,  how  far  the  criminal  intent,  the  predis- 
position to  wrong-doing,  was  the  product  of  alcoholism. 
In  the  whole  realm  of  crime,  of  which  offenses  of  a 
violent  nature  constitute  but  the  smaller  part,  it  is 
unquestionably  true  that  he  who,  in  seeking  out  the 
causes  of  crime,  does  not  give  some  heed  to  bio-psychical 
conditions,  and  to  conditions  of  physical  environment, 
is  almost  sure  to  go  wrong.  To  put  it  differently,  some 
knowledge  of  a  criminal's  bodily  and  mental  character- 
istics, as  well  as  of  the  surroundings  amid  which  he  had 
his  being,  is  indispensable  to  a  correct  understanding 
of  what  actually  gave  him  a  criminal  bent.  The  com- 
mon assumption  that  because  a  criminal  confesses  to 
occasional  or  habitual  inebriety,  it  follows  that  drink 
first  led  him  to  a  condition  which  induced  the  crime, 
has  destroyed  the  value  of  a  multitude  of  current  sta- 
tistics, so  called.  If  it  be  true,  as  seems  universally 
admitted,  that  most  criminals  begin  dishonesty  when 
under  twenty  years  of  age,  and  perhaps  one  half  before 
the  age  of  fifteen,  while  inebriety  seldom  becomes  a 
fixed  habit  before  majority  is  attained,  then  conclusions 
as  to  the  cause  of  criminal  conduct  drawn  merely  from 
present  drink  habits  are  not  only  perilous,  but«generally 
worthless. 

Since  we  must  recognize  other  abundant  causes  of 
crime  than  drink,  but  also  that  intemperance,  if  not  a 
primary  cause  of  crime,  may  have  been  an  excitant  to 


54  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

misconduct  of  secondary  or  even  remoter  importance, 
the  first  step  in  this  investigation  was  to  devise  a  scheme 
of  inquiry  which,  although  brief  and  simple,  would 
bring  out  the  essential  facts  in  their  proper  relations. 
It  has  been  sought  to  cover  the  all-important  ground  by 
a  schedule  containing  these  queries  :  — 

"  Did  any  of  the  following  causes  lead  to  a  condition 
which  induced  the  crime :  (a)  Unfavorable  environ- 
ment of  birth  and  early  life,  such  as  parental  neglect, 
want  of  education,  etc.  ?  (6)  Lack  of  industrial  train- 
ing ?  (c)  Intemperance :  (personal  ?)  (ancestral  ?)  (of 
associates  ?)  " 

It  might  have  been  interesting  to  elaborate  the  sched- 
ule, asking  with  regard  to  intemperance,  for  instance, 
when  drinking  first  began  ;  when  habitual  inebriety 
became  fixed ;  whether  any  deej)-seated  malady  had 
followed  or  preceded  intemperance,  either  causing  it 
or  not ;  whether  vitality  had  in  some  way  become  ex- 
hausted before  intemperance  became  a  habit,  etc.  But 
brevity  and  simplicity  were  essential  in  order  to  get 
any  results.  By  demanding  consideration  of  perhaps 
the  two  most  fruitful  generic  causes  of  crime  besides 
intemperance,  it  was  hoped  that  the  main  factors  in  the 
production  of  criminals  could  be  studied,  not  only 
independently,  but  in  their  relation  to  each  other.  As 
a  further  means  to  this  end,  the  investigator  was 
requested  to  "  state  relative  rank  of  the  causes  enumer- 
ated (a,  6,  c,),  if  more  than  one  of  them  must  be  con- 
sidered in  the  present  case."  That  is,  the  causes  were 
to  be  grouped  according  to  their  relative  importance  as 
first,  second,  or  third.  The  schedule  also  called  for  in- 
formation relating  to  place  of  birth,  kind  of  crime  for 


HISTORY  OF  THE   INVESTIGATION.  55 

which  committed,  and  whether  it  was  a  felony  or  mis- 
demeanor. The  last-mentioned  distinction  seemed  im- 
portant in  view  of  the  generally  accepted  fact  that  the 
proportion  of  misdemeanants  whose  criminal  career  has 
been  influenced  by  the  liquor  habit  is  very  much  greater 
than  that  of  felons.  To  maintain  this  distinction  in 
the  tabulation  was,  however,  impossible,  because  the 
terms  felony  and  misdemeanor  lack  a  uniform  definition 
in  the  laws  of  different  States.  Moreover,  from  the 
nature  of  the  prisons  dealt  with,  the  percentage  of  con- 
victs committed  for  misdemeanors  was  insignificant  in 
proportion  to  their  whole  number. 

It  seemed  prudent  to  restrict  the  investigation  to 
convicts  in  state  prisons  and  reformatories  for  adults. 
While  it  is  probable  that  by  including  inmates  of  minor 
penal  establishments,  such  as  houses  of  correction  and 
workhouses,  results  in  a  measure  different  might  have 
been  obtained  through  this  inquiry,  it  is  no  less  certain 
that  a  confusing  element  would  thereby  have  been  in- 
troduced in  the  statistics.  For  in  workhouses  and  sim- 
ilar institutions  many  suffer  confinement  who  are  not 
criminal  in  the  true  meaning  of  the  word  ;  for  example, 
the  thousands  whose  only  offense  is  intoxication,  and 
who  never  have  injured  either  person  or  property  so  as 
to  become  amenable  to  the  law,  and  perhaps  never  will. 
Again,  it  is  notorious  that  some  minor  prisons  contain 
not  a  few  who  are  paupers  rather  than  criminals,  per- 
sons put  away  under  vagrant  acts,  for  begging  on  the 
streets,  and  the  like.  Other  classes  of  occasional  pris- 
oners who  do  not  properly  belong  in  the  category  of 
criminals  might  be  mentioned.  Superadded  to  these 
considerations  was  the  knowledge  that  only  in  the  most 


56  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

important  prisons  may  one  expect  to  find  the  intelli- 
gence and  deep-seated  interest  requisite  for  canying 
on  successfully  so  delicate  an  investigation  as  the  one 
to  be  entered  upon.  There  is  not  and  cannot  be  awak- 
ened, so  it  seems,  among  prison  officers  generally,  an 
active  interest  in  the  subject  of  crime  causes ;  and 
where  such  interest  exists,  the  uncertainty  of  the  value 
of  the  information  received,  owing  to  the  form  and 
manner  of  seeking  it,  should  never  be  left  out  of  the 
reckoning.  In  illustration,  the  story  may  be  recalled 
of  an  attempt  made  quite  long  ago  in  the  English  pris- 
ons to  ascertain  through  the  chaplains  how  far  intem- 
perance and  vicious  literature  entered  into  the  causes 
leading  to  crime.  The  inquiry,  which  covered  the  Eng- 
lish prisons  generally,  revealed  to  a  painful  degree  that 
the  trend  of  the  answers  secured  depended  very  largely 
upon  the  questioner's  attitude  of  mind.  Thus,  in  one 
prison  where  the  chaplain  was  a  crank  on  the  subject 
of  vicious  literature,  the  prisoners  almost  to  a  man  at- 
tributed their  crime  and  imprisonment  to  the  influence 
of  penny-a-liners  ;  while  in  another  prison,  having  a 
chaplain  of  violent  anti-liquor  sentiments,  nearly  all 
the  convicts  ascribed  their  downfall  to  drink. 

Indiscriminate  cooperation  being  undesirable  in  this 
investigation,  the  number  of  institutions  from  which 
statistics  could  be  asked  with  reasonable  confidence  in 
their  accuracy  became  proportionately  restricted.  Ac- 
quaintance with  criminals  and  their  ways,  as  well  as 
personal  knowledge  of  the  convicts  about  whom  infor- 
mation was  sought,  being  regarded  as  necessary,  special 
agents  could  not  be  employed.  In  some  places  the  in- 
vestigations have  been  made  by  chaplains,  in  others  by 


HISTORY   OF  THE   INVESTIGATION.  57 

wardens  or,  under  the  latter's  immediate  supervision, 
by  subordinate  jirison  officers. 

It  lias  been  our  first  aim  to  insure  a  uniform  inter- 
pretation of  the  schedule  through  personal  interviews 
or  through  letters.  The  general  instructions  pointed 
out,  among  other  things,  that  the  sole  purpose  should  be 
to  seek  the  truth,  and  not  facts  to  support  any  theory  ; 
that  the  mere  use  of  liquor,  even  if  bordering  upon 
abuse,  does  not  prove  drink  to  have  been  the  crime 
cause  ;  that  the  commission  of  a  criminal  act  while 
under  the  influence  of  liquor  is  not  per  se  evidence 
that  intemperance  led  to  a  condition  inducing  the 
crime  ;  that  the  liquor  habit  may  often  be  the  concom- 
itant of  an  idle  and  criminal  life  rather  than  its  cause ; 
that  any  previous  grouping  of  convicts  according  to 
their  supposed  liquor  habits  should  be  disregarded  ; 
that  the  proneness  of  convicts  to  make  the  liquor  habit 
a  convenient  excuse  for  their  misdeeds,  especially  where 
they  suspect  that  the  interrogator  would  welcome  such 
a  statement  because  it  agrees  with  his  preconceived 
ideas,  must  be  guarded  against ;  and  the  equal  danger 
of  attempts  to  minimize  the  effects  of  intemperance  was 
emphasized.  The  method  of  procedure  recommended 
was,  first,  to  learn  the  particulars  about  the  convict's 
early  life,  family  relations,  associations,  schooling, 
occupation,  and  what  training  they  had  for  it,  reserv- 
ing questions  regarding  personal  habits  to  the  last. 

Statistics  relating  to  13,402  convicts  have  been  ob- 
tained from  seventeen  prisons  in  twelve  States.  Five 
are  state  reformatories  for  adults,  that  is,  for  males 
between  the  ages  of  sixteen  and  thirty,  and  twelve  are 
state  penitentiaries.     In  three  instances  the  data  relate 


58  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

only  to  the  convicts  admitted  during  twelve  months ; 
in  the  remaining  institutions  they  relate  to  the  entire 
prison  population  present  during  the  period  of  investi- 
gation. The  failures  to  complete  the  work  or  to  do  it 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  deserve  confidence  were  few. 
Although  it  would  be  idle  to  maintain  that  statistics 
resulting  from  so  extremely  difficult  an  inquiry  have 
quite  escaped  being  colored  by  the  mental  attitude  of 
the  investigator,  a  sharp  lookout  has  been  kept  for  the 
manifestations  of  any  such  tendency.  Schedules  giv- 
ing evidence  of  a  probable  misconception  of  any  ques- 
tion, or  exhibiting  a  marked  one-sidedness  of  results, 
no  matter  in  which  direction,  have  been  returned  for 
revision  if  unaccompanied  by  satisfactory  explanations. 
In  consequence,  some  of  the  work  has  practically  been 
done  twice. 

The  relations  of  intemperance  to  crime  have  been 
treated  statistically  in  the  12th  and  26th  Annual  Re- 
ports of  the  Massachusetts  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics, 
by  Mr.  Dugdale  in  "  The  Jukes,"  in  the  "  Statistique 
Penitentiaire  Suisse,"  1893,  and  in  a  few  minor  pub- 
lications. With  the  exception  of  Mr.  Dugdale's  work, 
these  reports  deal  with  convicts  of  all  grades  from 
each  penal  institution  in  the  State  or  country.  For 
this  reason,  and  because  radically  different  methods 
of  inquiry  have  been  employed,  their  results  are  not 
readily  comparable  with  those  presented  in  this  vol- 
ume. 

NEGROES. 

Interest  in  the  relations  of  the  Negroes  to  the  liquor 
problem   has  waned   perceptibly   since    slavery   days. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  INVESTIGATION.  59 

Formerly,  self-interest  compelled  the  masters  to  check 
the  spread  of  the  liquor  habit  among  them  by  every 
known  device.  The  black  codes,  as  is  well  known, 
abounded  in  strict  prohibitions  against  the  sale  of 
intoxicants  to  all  but  white  men,  under  the  severest 
jjenalties.  Now  that  the  Negroes  have  so  long  been 
without  other  guardians  of  their  potential  habits  than 
themselves,  it  is  asked  how  far  the  removal  of  special 
barriers  to  their  indidgence  in  liquor  has  had  serious 
consequences  to  the  race,  and  what  are  their  present 
relations  to  the  liquor  question.  It  is  perhaps  not  too 
much  to  say  that  until  quite  recently  this  matter  has 
received  but  scant  and  withal  superficial  attention,  even 
from  the  closest  students  of  the  colored  people.  Like 
other  aspects  of  the  Negro  problem,  it  is  full  of  per- 
plexities which  at  the  present  time  defy  the  ordinary 
statistical  inquiry.  Existing  race  prejudices  frequently 
cast  doubt  upon  the  trustworthiness  of  public  records 
and  other  data  from  which  one  would  like  to  make 
inferences.  The  investigator,  if  not  meeting  with  indif- 
ference, may  find  his  attempts  to  study  the  habits  of 
the  Negro  balked  by  suspicions  or  open  hostility.  Be- 
yond all  this  is  the  immensity  of  the  subject,  and  the 
consequent  difficulty  of  making  deductions  applicable 
to  millions  of  beings  living  under  different  conditions 
and  scattered  over  a  continent. 

The  present  investigation  was  undertaken  in  the 
hope  that,  if  nothing  further  coidd  be  gained,  it  might 
be  possible  to  delineate  broadly  and  with  some  distinct- 
ness the  chief  characteristics  of  the  Negro  with  respect 
to  the  use  and  abuse  of  intoxicants  and  their  effects. 
A  series  of  questions  bearing  upon  this  subject,  with 


60  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

special  reference  to  observations  concerning  the  most 
obvious  results  of  intemperance,  was  submitted  to  a 
carefully  cbosen  number  of  prominent  men  in  the 
Southern  States,  accompanied  by  a  letter  of  explana- 
tions. About  one  hundred  replies,  representing  every 
State  below  the  Mason  and  Dixon  line,  have  been  re- 
ceived from  officials,  large  employers  of  colored  labor, 
merchants,  professional  men,  and  others,  many  of 
whom  offered  information  and  observations  at  length. 
To  these  statements  the  writer  has  been  able  to  add 
the  residts  of  his  personal  investigations  in  a  number 
of  Southern  centres.  A  more  comprehensive  knowledge 
of  conditions  in  typical  Negro  communities  being  still 
a  desideratum,  well-known  colored  men  in  different 
walks  of  life  and  some  white  educators  laboring  among 
the  Negroes  were  asked  to  prepare  brief  local  studies 
for  the  use  of  the  committee,  and  according  to  its  sug- 
gestions ;  for  the  white  stranger  cannot  hope  to  pene- 
trate more  than  the  outer  shell  of  the  social  fabric  in 
black-belt  communities.  The  average  native  white 
man  is  rarely  found  to  speak  without  prejudice.  Most 
of  the  local  reports,  of  which  a  synopsis  is  given  else- 
where, are  from  the  pens  of  colored  men. 

INDIANS. 

In  the  chapters  of  the  United  States  Statutes  relat- 
ing to  Indian  affairs,  the  clauses  prohibiting  drink 
selling  to  Indians  occupy  a  conspicuous  place.  And 
before  the  present  reservation  plan  was  put  into  opera- 
tion, while  the  red  man  roamed  at  lai'ge  in  forest  and 
on  prairie,  state  legislatures  were  busy  with  schemes 
to  keep  the  whiskey  jug  away  from  him.     Aside  from 


HISTORY  OF  THE  INVESTIGATION.  61 

motives  of  self-preservation  underlying  much  of  the 
earlier  legislation,  it  appears  to  be  founded  on  the 
assumption  that  drink  is  one  of  the  most  potent 
causes  of  moral  and  physical  degeneration  among  the 
Indians.  Considerable  evidence  on  this  point  is  scat- 
tered throughout  the  reports  of  Indian  agents  published 
annually  by  the  Department  of  the  Interior.  The 
salient  features  of  these  reports  for  a  number  of 
years,  so  far  as  they  deal  with  the  drink  problem,  have 
been  summarized,  together  with  statistics  showing  the 
outcome  of  attempts  to  enforce  the  law.  It  has  also 
been  sought  to  gain  more  precise  knowledge  about  the 
Indian  appetite  for  intoxicants  and  the  consequences  of 
this  appetite,  as  well  as  of  the  efficacy  of  the  present 
means  for  preventing  drink  selling,  through  special  re- 
ports from  a  number  of  the  best  known  Indian  agents. 
The  aim  has  thus  been  rather  to  put  into  available 
shape  already  existing  data  than  to  present  results  of 
original  investigations,  for  which  the  means  were  not 
within  reach. 

SOCIAL   ASPECTS   OF  THE   SALOON. 

Among  the  most  important,  yet  until  recently  much 
neglected,  aspects  of  the  liquor  problem  are  those 
touching  its  relations  to  comforts,  luxuries,  pleasures, 
sanitary  conditions,  and  the  like.  Questions  such  as 
these.  How  far  is  the  liquor  habit  counteracted  by 
home  comforts,  properly  cooked  food,  coffee  houses, 
amusements,  and  outdoor  sports?  How  far  is  the 
liquor  habit  the  result  of  defective  conditions,  for 
example,  lack  of  food,  bad  or  badly  cooked  food,  bad 
ventilation,   or   defective   drainage   of   dwellings   and 


62  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

workshops  ?  —  questions  like  these  have  usually  been 
relegated  to  the  background,  if  given  any  place  on  the 
programme  of  the  average  temperance-worker.  In  the 
warfare  against  the  saloon,  its  place  in  our  social 
economy  has  been  overlooked,  and  its  abolition  de- 
manded, heedless  of  the  wants  it  supplies  and  the 
crying  need  of  discovering  adequate  substitutes  for  it. 
So,  too,  the  liquor  habit  has  generally  been  accepted 
as  the  source  of  all  social  ills,  while  it  may  largely 
result  from  defective  conditions  for  which  others  than 
its  victims  may  justly  be  held  responsible.  These 
phases  of  the  liquor  problem  are  but  dimly  perceived 
by  the  casual  observer  who  judges  by  surface  indica- 
tions. To  probe  them  to  the  bottom  one  must  know 
—  and  it  is  a  knowledge  only  to  be  acquired  slowly 
through  association  —  what  manner  of  men  pay  the 
heavy  tribute  to  the  saloon,  their  habits  of  life  at  home 
and  in  the  shop,  their  wants  and  desires.  The  saloon 
itself,  no  more  than  its  habitues,  can  be  studied  hon- 
estly from  outside.  Under  the  most  favorable  cir- 
cumstances, however,  a  search  for  facts  which  can  be 
accepted  as  conclusive  evidence  is  likely  to  prove  baf- 
fling ;  for  the  statistical  method  cannot  be  applied  to 
the  questions  under  consideration  except  in  a  very  lim- 
ited way.  The  replies  which  at  present  can  be  made 
to  them  must  be  in  the  nature  of  deductions  from  a 
mass  of  careful  observations  and  accurate  descriptions 
of  local  conditions  in  various  centres  of  population. 

Both  from  the  character  of  their  mission  and  posi- 
tion in  their  respective  communities,  workers  in  social, 
college,  or  university  settlements  have  unusual  oppor- 
tunities for  first-hand  acquaintance  with  the  particu- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  INVESTIGATION.  63 

lar  relations  of  the  drink  problem  indicated.  An  ap- 
peal to  make  them  objects  of  special  study  on  behalf 
of  the  committee  met  with  ready  response  from  some 
twenty  settlements.  A  set  of  suggestions  regarding 
the  line  and  methods  of  investigation  to  be  pursued 
was  prepared  for  their  use.  But  for  various  reasons, 
chief  among  them,  apparently,  the  difficulty  of  the 
work,  the  reports  from  this  source  have  not  been  so 
numerous  or  so  comprehensive  as  anticipated ;  neither 
do  they  attempt  to  deal  with  more  than  a  small  part  of 
the  originally  contemplated  research.  Some  of  these 
reports  in  a  somewhat  condensed  form,  relating  prin- 
cipally to  the  social  aspects  of  the  saloon,  together 
with  results  of  the  writer's  personal  studies,  are  given 
a  place  in  this  volume. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  LIQUOR   PROBLEM  IN  ITS  RELATIONS  TO  POVERTY. 

1.  By  Color. 

The  colored  people  are  not  represented  in  our  re- 
turns in  proportion  to  their  numbers  throughout  the 
country  ;  they  constitute  but  9.45  per  cent.  o£  the  total 
number  of  cases  investigated.  With  few  exceptions, 
our  statistics  are  derived  from  Northern  cities  in  which 
the  colored  population  is  comparatively  small  or  practi- 
cally wanting.  Yet  in  many  places  the  Negroes  do  not 
come  under  the  treatment  of  organized  charity  in  the 
proportion  their  numbers  and  economic  condition  would 
seem  to  warrant.  Charity  that  does  not  take  the  form 
of  immediate  almsgiving  appeals  little  to  the  average 
Negro.  In  the  Southern  cities,  the  color  line  invades 
even  organized  charity.  In  the  returns  from  Wilming- 
ton, N.  C,  for  instance,  not  a  single  colored  person 
appears  among  the  applicants  for  relief,  and  in  Louis- 
ville, Ky.,  we  find  only  105  colored  out  of  a  total  of 
644,  etc. 

Notwithstanding  the  disparity  in  the  representation 
of  the  white  and  colored  races,  our  statistics  show  con- 
clusively that  drink  as  a  direct  or  indirect  cause  of 
poverty  is  more  prevalent  among  the  white  than  among 
the  colored,  almost  in  the  proportion  of  two  to  one. 
This   fact   stands   out   prominently  in  Summaries  I. 


RELATIONS   TO   POVERTY. 


65 


and  II.  The  percentage  of  white  applicants  for  relief 
who  owe  their  poverty  to  the  personal  use  of  liquor  is 
more  than  twice  as  large  as  that  of  the  colored.  A 
similar  proportion  is  observable  between  the  percent- 
ages of  white  and  colored  whose  condition  is  due  to 
the  intemperate  habits  of  others.     We  arrive  at  the 


SUMMARY  I. 

APPLICANTS    FOR    RELIEF    AS    AFFECTED    BY    THE    PERSONAL   USB    OF 
INTOXICATING    LIQUORS,    BY   COLOR. 


White  Applicants. 

CoLOEED  Applicants. 

ACMJREGATE  OF   APPLI- 
CANTS. 

£  o 

2"3 

1 

0)  o 

2"3 

a 
o 

CO  o 

0.3 

2-3 

a 
o 

s-S 

■a  m 
«  3 

-3 

"7 

5-- 

0)  '^-t 

w  3 

•3 

0.2* 

-^  i-H 

T3    g 
4J    3 

■3 

a 

13    B 

C4 

•o  « 

a^ 

f: 

rt 

•O  <o 

'H 

l! 

a  S    . 
°  5  --^ 

O 

H 

3  3 

a  cs 

(-1 

y  a^  .• 
'5  S  g 

-§• 

S 

^  1 

3  S  §■ 

1§ 

o  "^ 

l^t 

11 

3  g 

m 

11 

o 

o 

o 

o 

"^ 

o 

u 

Number. 

5^fi5 

20124 

1704 

27093 

259 

2450 

121 

2830 

5524 

22574 

1825 

29923 

Per  cent. 

19.43 

74.28 

6.29 

100. 

9.15 

86.57 

4.28 

100. 

18.46 

75.44 

6.10 

100. 

SUMMARY  II. 

APPLICANTS    FOR   RELIEF    AS    AFFECTED    INDIRECTLY   BY    THE    INTEM- 
PERATE   HABITS    OF    OTHERS,    BY    COLOR. 


White  Applicants. 

Colored  Applicants. 

Aggkbgate  of  Appli- 
cants. 

2-2 

cc3 

a 

o 

i-2 
—  3 

°5 

0)3 

a 
,0 

a  -2 

2. -2 

(D  '2 

1 

■«.a 

-3.3 

T3 

-^.a 

-3.3 

■a 

■^  .^ 

■3.3 

•3- 

T3_g      ■ 

-  c«  t; 

11     . 

3  S*^ 

si 

^1 

1 

■3  ®  ^ 

a  S  g 
.2  S  2 

§^2 

1 

-fig 

gS  2 
3  c:n 

a  2  « 
1  II 

1 

^1° 
g«  o 

2^ 

1« 

ii 

■■3  3- 

ii 

O 

a 

o 

0 

u 

0 

0 

0 

u 

Number. 

2658     148761  9559 

27093 

144 

1905 

781 

2830 

2802 

16781;  10340 

29923 

Percent. 

9.81     54.91j35.28 

100. 

5.09 

67.31 

27.60 

100. 

9.36 

56.09:34.55 

100. 

66  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

same  results  wlien  the  returns  of  the  individual  organi- 
zations reporting  are  examined.  Taking  the  seven 
cities  showing  the  largest  number  of  colored  appli- 
cants, as  exhibited  in  Table  I.  of  the  Appendix,  we 
find  in  Washington,  D.  C,  intemperance  as  the  direct 
cause  of  want  in  22.15  per  cent,  of  the  white  as  against 
11.12  per  cent,  of  the  colored ;  in  Cincinnati,  the  same 
percentages  stand  15.17  and  4.46  ;  in  Baltimore,  13.44 
and  2.52  ;  in  Wilmington,  Del.,  23.64  and  10.24 ;  in 
New  Haven,  15.00  and  2.43;  in  Indianapolis,  23.19 
and  11.04 ;  in  Louisville,  25.42  and  8.57.  These  fig- 
ures are,  on  the  whole,  more  favorable  to  the  colored 
race  than  the  corresponding  summary  for  all  places. 
So  similar  are  the  inferences  to  be  drawn,  both  from 
Summary  II.  and  the  corresponding  Appendix  table, 
that  we  need  not  dwell  on  them.  It  is  interesting  to 
note  that  Professor  Warner  found  about  the  same  per- 
centage of  intemperance  among  Negroes  as  we,  namely, 
6.23  per  cent. 

A  fuller  treatment  of  the  general  relations  of  the 
colored  people  to  the  drink  problem  is  given  in  a  sepa- 
rate chapter. 

2.  By  Sex. 

That  intemperance  is  par  excellence  a  vice  of  the 
male  sex  is  a  matter  of  too  viniversal  knowledge  to 
need  statistical  confirmation.  Yet  it  has  hardly  been 
attempted  to  fix  with  any  degree  of  accuracy  the  rela- 
tions of  the  sexes  in  this  respect,  much  less  with  regard 
to  the  bearing  of  intemperance  upon  the  condition  of 
poverty.  Summary  III.  shows  the  sexes  to  be  divided 
fairly  evenly  as  to  number,  with  the  males  in  slight 


RELATIONS   TO   POVERTY. 


67 


preponderance.  Of  all  females,  however,  only  12.46 
per  cent,  have  become  dependent  through  personal 
intemperance  as  against  22.77  per  cent,  of  the  males. 
From  untabulated  data  we  learn  that  married  women 
are  more  given  to  the  liquor  habit  than  the  unmarried, 
while  the  reverse  is  true  concerning  men.     Intemper- 


STOIMARY  m. 

APPLICANTS    FOR    RELIEF    AS    AFFECTED    BY    THE    PERSONAL    USE    OF 
INTOXICATING   LIQUORS,    BY    SEX. 


Male  Applicants. 

Female  Applicants. 

Agqeegate  op  Appu- 

CANTS. 

«  o 

2"3 

a 
a 

ft?? 

B^S 

a 
o 

(^  t^ 

■u  o 

a 
o 

» 

B.  3 

o 

«•- 

-3  S 

r3 

O.S 

"5  m 

'■B 

R-- 

-a  35 

■^   . 

«•» 

o'^ 

«  3 

"7 

*j  3 

R-O 

o  ^ 

3  O 

O 

o  -- 

3  « 

o  a  t.- 

1 
o 

O  3 

as 
o  a  t: 

^  o 

3 

o 

"^  S 
a  2 
o  - 

a* 

•3 

o  " 

S2 
5  - 

■a  S 

1° 

a  - 

S  "3 
a  S 

5^2 

3  = 

H 

o 

o 

o 

o 

;j 

CJ 

o 

o 

o 

Number. 

396G 

12388 

1064 

17418 

1558 

10186 

761 

12505 

5524 

22574 

1825 

29923 

Percent. 

22.77 

71.12 

6.11 

100. 

12.46 

81.45 

6.09 

100. 

18.46 

75.44 

6.10 

100. 

SUMMARY  IV. 

APPLICANTS    FOR    RELIEF    AS   AFFECTED    INDIRECTLY    BY   THE   INTEM- 
PERATE   HABITS    OF    OTHERS,    BY    SEX. 


Male  Applicants. 

Female  Applicants. 

AOGBEOATE  OP  APPLI- 
CANTS. 

BO 

ss 

o 

a"© 

2S 

S 

s  o 

5-2 

a 

5-s 

3   a 

s 

<d'S 

^^ 

2-3 

§3 

•02 

iL 

n 

"3 

-5^ 

■3  — 

■a 

"3 

■a  — 
If  .„• 

"3 

in 

3  2*  2 
■^3  a  3 

S 

§|S 

°  ffl 

^ 

a  2^ 

I  g- 2 

-s- 

o 

m 

1K 

11 

g^  o 

It 

a-5"S 

11 

o 

o 

o 

o 

o 

o 

o 

" 

o 

Number 

663 

9093 

7662 

17418 

2139 

768S 

2678 

12.505 

2802 

16781 

10340  29923 

Per  cent 

3.81 

52.20 

43.99 

100. 

17.10 

61.48 

21.42 

100. 

9.36 

56.09 

34.55    100. 

68  THE   LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

ance  among  single  women  who  are  engaged  in  domestic 
service  is  surprisingly  common.  Prostitutes,  of  whom 
a  considerable  number  is  reported,  seem  to  become 
applicants  for  charity  on  account  of  disease  rather 
than  drunkenness. 

When  the  statistics  of  some  single  organizations  are 
examined  (Appendix,  Table  III.),  the  proportion  of 
females  whose  condition  of  dependence  is  attributed  to 
the  personal  use  of  liquor  appears  in  conflict  with 
our  summary ;  and  this  is  unrelated  to  the  fact  that 
occasionally  more  women  than  men  come  as  applicants 
before  a  charity  organization.  The  nationality  and 
occupations  of  a  majority  of  the  female  cases  are  fac- 
tors reflected  in  the  percentages,  and  will  under  given 
conditions  tend  to  increase  the  amount  of  poverty 
due  to  drink.  On  the  other  hand,  when  the  cause 
of  poverty  remains  unknown  for  an  unusually  large 
number  of  women,  it  follows  that  the  percentage  of 
intemperance  must  be  correspondingly  lowered.  Fur- 
thermore, the  same  percentages  are  affected  when,  for 
instance,  the  cause  of  the  condition  is  unknown  with 
regard  to  a  greater  number  of  one  sex  than  of  the 
other. 

In  the  single  instance  of  the  New  York  Charity 
Organization  Society,  however,  it  is  made  to  appear 
that  the  male  applicants  are  really  more  temperate 
than  the  female.  The  explanation  is  simple.  In  the 
course  of  the  investigation,  or  during  a  great  part  of 
it,  this  society  did  not  make  use  of  our  special  schedule, 
but  merely  reported  on  each  case  whether  intemperance 
was  at  the  bottom  of  the  trouble,  and  did  not  distin- 
guish clearly  between  the  direct  and  indirect  effects  of 


RELATIONS   TO    POVERTY.  69 

the  liquor  liabit.  Thus  it  came  to  pass  that  not  a 
little  of  the  intemperance  for  which  men  bear  the 
responsibility  has  been  attributed  to  women. 

That  the  Grand  Rapids  society  reports  such  a  re- 
markable excess  of  male  applicants  is  wholly  due  to 
peculiar  local  conditions. 

No  other  table  makes  so  clear  the  poverty,  misery, 
and  shame  endured  by  thousands  round  about  on 
account  of  a  vice  for  which  they  are  generally  not  to 
blame,  as  Summary  IV.  Nearly  10  per  cent,  of  our 
applicants  belong  to  these  unfortunates,  over  two  thirds 
of  them  being  women,  —  wives  and  mothers.  Hidden 
in  the  percentages  is  a  multitude  of  stories  of  wrecked 
homes,  ruined  lives,  cruelty,  hunger,  disease,  and  bitter 
degradation  ;  and  the  brunt  of  it  all  is  borne  by  the 
gentle  sex.  It  must  not  be  understood,  however,  that 
the  men  and  women  who  have  been  affected  by  the 
liquor  habits  of  others  are  themselves  invariably  mod- 
els of  sobriety.  In  some  cases  both  the  personal  use 
of  liquor  and  the  intemperate  habits  of  others  have 
cooperated  to  produce  poverty. 

The  importance  of  a  thorough  investigation  of  in- 
temperance as  an  indirect  cause  of  poverty  is  best  seen 
when  we  turn  to  detail  Table  IV.  in  the  Appendix. 
Oroanization  after  organization  would  have  made  it 
appear  that  drink  after  all  is  not  such  a  prolific  source 
of  want,  had  they  concerned  themselves  merely  with 
the  effect  of  the  applicant's  use  of  liquor.  That  the 
various  organizations  have  arrived  at  such  diverging 
percentages  of  poverty  attributable  indirectly  to  drink 
for  both  sexes  is  generally  due  to  one  of  three  causes. 
The  percentages   in   question   are   naturally  smallest 


70  THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

where  the  least  attention  has  been  paid  to  this  part  of 
the  investigation.  This  accounts  for  the  figures  for 
Cincinnati,  New  Haven,  Denver,  and  a  few  other 
places. 

Where  the  percentage  of  females  whose  condition 
is  due  to  the  intemperate  habits  of  others  is  dispro- 
portionately large,  it  will  as  a  rule  be  found  that 
the  female  applicants  greatly  outnumber  the  males. 
This  is  the  case,  for  instance,  in  Baltimore,  San  Fran- 
cisco, Louisville,  Rochester,  Worcester,  and  other  cities. 
Coupled  with  this  factor  is  always  the  care  bestowed 
upon  this  part  of  the  inquiry. 

Some  organizations  more  frequently  than  others  as- 
cribed the  condition  of  poverty  both  to  the  personal 
abuse  of  liquor  and  to  the  intemperate  habits  of  others 
in  the  case  of  the  same  person.  This  explains  the 
divergence  between  the  percentages  for  the  aggregate 
and  the  sum  of  the  percentages  for  the  sexes ;  it  is  also 
the  reason  why,  in  a  few  places,  we  find  an  unusual 
number  of  males  who  are  said  to  have  become  destitute 
indirectly  through  drink. 

3.  By  Nativity  of  Applicants  and  Parent  Nativity. 
Imagine  the  29,923  applicants  for  relief  with  whom 
our  statistics  deal  passing  by  in  procession.  In  vain 
we  should  search  our  memory  for  a  civilized  people  in 
the  world  lacking  representatives  in  that  throng.  And 
scattered  among  them  would  be  found  men  of  stranger 
races,  —  South  and  North  American  Indians,  Esqui- 
maux, Hindoo  Coolies,  Chinese  and  Japanese,  African- 
born  Negroes,  a  solitary  Australasian  aborigine,  etc. 
The  white  American  type  would  not  predominate,  for 


RELATIONS   TO   POVERTY.  71 

although  a  little  more  than  one  half  of  these  men  and 
women  are  native  born,  both  parents  of  nearly  this 
one  half  are  not  natives  of  the  United  States.  In  other 
words,  it  is  positively  known  that  but  29.61  per  cent, 
of  all  the  applicants  are  both  of  native  birth  and  of 
full  native  parentage.  Could  we  obliterate  the  per- 
centage (16.60)  of  those  whose  parentage  remains 
wholly  unknown,  we  should  probably  have  left  a  still 
smaller  number  of  applicants  who  can  claim  American 
extraction  as  well  as  American  nativity.  We  should 
keep  this  fact  in  mind  when  considering  applicants  for 
relief  as  affected  by  the  personal  use  of  liquor  by 
nativity. 

The  fairest  view  of  the  question  of  nationality  as 
related  to  drink  is  obtained  when  we  confine  our  atten- 
tion to  the  personal  use  of  liquor.  While  we  find  in 
Summary  V.  that  17.09  per  cent,  of  the  native  born 
have  become  destitute  through  this  cause,  we  learn 
from  Summary  VI.  that  it  has  been  operative  in  but 
15.01  per  cent,  of  those  whose  parentage  is  known  to 
be  native  both  as  to  father  and  mother.  In  spite  of 
a  feeble  representation  of  some  of  the  nationalities, 
which  might  seem  to  preclude  final  conclusions  about 
the  liquor  habit  of  those  belonging  to  them,  we  believe 
that  reliable  inferences  can  be  made  from  the  statistics, 
the  more  since  the  returns  from  the  different  organi- 
zations, taken  by  themselves,  fully  bear  out  what  the 
figures  in  Summary  V.  indicate. 

Taking  the  foreign-born  applicants  as  well  as  the 
native  of  native  parentage,  and  ranking  the  nationali- 
ties according  to  the  extent  to  which  the  personal  use 
of  liquor  occurs  as  the  cause  of  poverty,  we  get  the 


72  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

following  order:  (1)  Irish,  29.86  per  cent. ;  (2)  Scotch, 
21.59  per  cent. ;  (3)  Canadian,  21.02  per  cent. ;  (4) 
English,  18.83  per  cent.  ;  (5)  Scandinavian,  16.58  per 
cent. ;  (6)  American,  15.01  per  cent.  ;  (7)  German, 
14.47  per  cent.;  (8)  Polish,  12.14  per  cent.;  (9)  Aus- 
trian, including  Hungarian,  7.77  per  cent. ;  (10)  Rus- 
sian, 4.33  per  cent. ;  and  (11)  Italian,  1.29  per  cent. 
If  we  consider  those  who  are  native  born  as  Americans, 
regardless  of  the  fact  that  perhaps  half  of  them  are  of 
foreign  extraction,  the  American  nationality  advances 
one  place  and  ranks  after  the  English. 

Among  the  foreign  born  classed  as  Canadians,  a 
large  number  of  French  and  a  respectable  proportion 
of  those  of  Irish  and  Scotch  extraction  are  included. 
A  majority  of  these  are  from  the  Dominion,  the  Pro- 
vinces not  being  strongly  represented  in  the  returns. 
Most  of  the  applicants  given  as  Russians  are  Hebrews. 
One  rarely  encounters  intemperance  as  the  cause  of 
poverty  among  Hebrews  of  other  countries.  In  stat- 
ing the  causes  of  distress  among  7500  cases  dealt 
with  by  the  United  Hebrew  Charities  of  Chicago  in 
1893-95,  the  superintendent  of  this  organization  does 
not  mention  drunkenness  in  a  single  instance. 

Turning  to  the  question  of  poverty  as  induced  by  the 
intemperate  habits  of  the  parents  of  the  applicants, 
shown  in  the  second  division  of  Summary  V.,  it  is 
natural  that  the  native  born  should  be  prominent  with 
a  large  percentage,  namely,  2.68.  Only  in  the  case  of 
children  and  very  young  persons  was  it  practicable  to 
trace  the  influence  of  the  parental  liquor  habit  with 
some  degree  of  certainty.  In  the  case  of  adults,  paren- 
tal intemperance  independent  of  the  habits  of  the  sub- 


RELATIONS  TO   POVERTY.  73 

ject  in  question  was  rarely  found  as  the  cause  of  dis- 
tress. Reference  to  Summary  VI.,  however,  makes  it 
clear  that  the  drunkenness  of  parents  affected  the  lives 
of  but  1.85  per  cent,  of  the  native  born  of  American 
extraction.  The  unexpected  percentage  of  poverty  due 
to  intemperance  of  parents  among  the  Poles  may  be 
regarded  as  purely  accidental.  During  a  winter  of 
severe  distress,  a  single  charity  organization  society 
happened  to  deal  with  an  unusual  number  of  Polish 
children. 

In  the  division  "  Condition  due  to  the  intemperate 
habits  of  others,"  in  Summary  V.,  we  find  the  order  of 
nationalities  changed.  The  first  place  is  taken  by  the 
Canadian,  with  the  others  ranging  in  the  following 
order  :  Irish,  English,  American,  German,  Scotch, 
Scandinavian,  etc.  The  totals  in  this  column  repre- 
sent principally  women  who  have  been  brought  to 
want  through  the  drunkenness  of  husbands,  by  whom 
they  in  many  cases  have  been  deserted,  or  whom  they 
have  left.  As  we  have  already  shown,  very  few  men 
become  charges  upon  charity  through  the  intemper- 
ance of  their  wives.  Aged  persons  whom  intemperate 
descendants  or  other  relatives  fail  to  support  figure  to 
a  very  slight  extent.  Here  our  statistics  do  not  afford 
quite  so  accurate  a  test  of  the  liquor  habits  of  nationali- 
ties ;  for  while  the  nationality  of  the  woman  suffering 
from  the  intemperance  of  her  husband  may  be  known, 
the  husband's  nationality  may  be  another.  Yet  among 
the  class  of  people  appearing  in  our  returns,  marriage 
outside  the  nationality  is  the  exception.  Without 
attempting  to  discover  all  the  causes  combining  to 
make  the  nationalities  appear  in  the  order  named  with 


74  THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

respect  to  poverty  caused  by  "  intemperance  of  others," 
the  liquor  habit  certainly  affects  conjugal  relations  in 
different  nationalities  in  dissimilar  ways. 

Summary  VI.  tells  us  that  the  percentage  of  appli- 
cants of  native  parentage  who  have  become  destitute 
through  the  intemperate  habits  of  others,  that  is,  chiefly 
husbands,  is  larger  than  the  corresponding  percentage 
of  applicants  who  are  native  born.  It  is  evident  from 
a  study  of  the  data  of  individual  organizations  that 
the  American  woman  is  quicker  to  seek  divorce  from 
or  leave  her  husband  than  her  sister  of  different  blood. 
This  seems  likewise  true  to  some  extent  of  Canadians, 
while  among  the  Irish  and  perhaps  among  the  Scotch 
greater  toleration  of  the  liquor  habit  on  the  part  of  the 
wife  is  apparent.  On  the  other  hand,  desertions  of 
their  wives  by  intemperate  men  of  Irish  extraction  are 
conspicuously  frequent. 

The  last  division  in  Summary  V.  sums  up  intemper- 
ance as  a  direct  and  indirect  cause  of  poverty,  and 
yields  percentages  for  the  different  nationalities  that 
leave  them  practically  in  the  order  first  mentioned. 
Considered  as  a  whole,  our  data  illustrating  the  rela- 
tion of  different  nationalities  to  drink  confirm  the 
experience  of  charity-workers  and  students. 

The  groups  of  applicants  of  mixed  parent  nativity, 
as  well  as  those  in  which  the  nativity  of  either  parent 
is  unknown,  afford  some  highly  suggestive  j)ercentages, 
albeit  the  unknown  quantities  introduce  a  large  ele- 
ment of  uncertainty  which  forbids  too  special  analysis. 
As  we  have  said,  comparatively  few  of  the  dependent 
classes  marry  outside  their  own  nationality.  Thus  in 
the  group, "  Father  native,  mother  unknown,"  we  should 


RELATIONS  TO   POVERTY.  75 

in  most  cases  find  that  both  parents  were  of  the  same 
race,  the  difference  being  that  one  was  born  in  the 
United  States  and  the  other  abroad.  This  lik6wise 
hokls  true  of  the  next  group,  where  the  order  in  regard 
to  the  birthplace  of  parents  is  reversed.  A  comparison 
of  the  percentages  in  these  two  groups  cannot  yield 
very  definite  conclusions. 

For  the  last  four  groups  we  have  the  general  fact 
that  the  percentages  of  intemperance  with  one  excep- 
tion are  larger  in  each  division  than  in  the  two  imme- 
diately preceding.  When  we  say  that  these  groups 
include  the  lowest  classes  of  the  poor,  both  in  point  of 
morals  and  intelligence,  the  statement  is  based  upon 
a  study  of  the  units  forming  the  totals  in  question. 
That  applicants  are  ignorant  of  the  nativity  of  one 
or  both  parents  is  in  a  large  number  of  cases  due  to 
the  looseness  of  the  marital  relations  of  the  parents. 
We  are  therefore  justified  in  reading  in  some  of  these 
heavy  percentages  of  intemperance  the  consequences  of 
lack  of  proper  parental  care.  The  percentages  in  the 
second  division  for  the  last  four  groups  are  particularly 
striking ;  and  that  the  largest  amount  of  drink  falls  to 
the  last  group  ("  Father  unknown,  mother  foreign  ")  is 
perfectly  natural,  for  in  it  are  found  the  relatively 
largest  number  both  of  adults  and  children  who  are 
the  offspring  of  illegitimate  relations.  We  know  from 
other  sources  that  a  majority  of  women  who  become 
mothers  without  legal  sanction  are  of  foreign  birth. 
This  seems  to  afford  some  explanation  of  the  discrep- 
ancy in  the  percentages  between  the  last  and  the  next 
preceding  group.  The  small  totals,  however,  make 
these  percentages  very  questionable. 


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S3^ 

S^ 

0) 

•pi 

» 

"2 

Eh 

,«     !« 

,3  Id 

J  a 

-c 

o3 

^ 

"S     ^ 

1^  3 

t^  ^ 

n 

c 

Is 

4H 

&^ 

El, 

E^ 

fc, 

Pm 

80  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

That  we  are  left  in  ignorance  concerning  the  parent- 
age of  so  many  is,  of  course,  partly  clue  to  imperfect 
investigation,  but  no  less  to  the  lack  of  knowledge  of 
the  applicants  themselves. 

4.  By  Political  Condition. 

Information  about  the  political  condition  of  appli- 
cants for  relief  is  of  value  chiefly  in  illustrating  how 
far  those  who  have  become  such  on  account  of  drink 
are  citizens  or  belong  to  the  alien  in  the  land.  In 
determining  the  question  of  political  condition,  the 
wife  and  children  of  a  naturalized  citizen,  so  far  as 
they  appeared  as  applicants,  were  classed  as  natural- 
ized. The  facts  were  not  easily  obtained,  and  in  con- 
sequence the  percentage  of  unknown  in  Summary  VII., 
as  well  as  in  the  two  preceding  summaries  with  which 
it  is  closely  related,  is  very  high. 

It  would  follow  from  the  analysis  of  our  statistics  by 
nativity  of  applicants  and  parent  nativity  that  the  per- 
centage of  citizen-born  applicants  who  are  brought  to 
want  through  personal  intemperance  would  be  smaller 
than  that  of  the  naturalized.  And  we  actually  find  it 
to  be  about  one  third  less.  That  the  naturalized  appli- 
cants appear  nearly  twice  as  intemperate  as  the  alien  is 
explained  by  the  fact  that  the  representatives  of  the 
hardest-drinking  foreign  nationalities,  Irish,  Scotch, 
Canadian,  etc.,  are  the  first  to  acquire  citizenship.  A 
large  part  of  the  aliens,  on  the  contrary,  is  made  up  of 
the  more  temperate  nationalities,  Russian  Hebrews, 
Italians,  Austrians,  Poles,  and  to  some  extent  Germans, 
not  to  mention  the  unclassified  foreign  born,  of  which 
Spaniards,   Mexican,   Portuguese,   and   West    Indians 


•sitiBonddB  ib;ox 

o  — • 

CO  -M 

20023 
KJO. 

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-aadma^ni  oj  gnp  cjou  uopipnoo 

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01     S 

O 

82  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

form  a  respectable  contingent ;  and  all  these  nationali- 
ties are  slow  in  becoming  naturalized.  Of  the  number 
of  applicants  whose  political  condition  is  unknown, 
more  than  one  half  belong  to  English-speaking  nation- 
alities. Exact  knowledge  of  the  subject,  therefore, 
would  probably  help  to  swell  the  percentage  of  drink 
attributed  to  naturalized  applicants  to  a  perceptible 
degree. 

In  apparent  contradiction  to  the  percentage  of  aliens 
who  have  become  impoverished  through  personal  in- 
temperance is  the  relatively  larger  percentage  of  aliens 
whose  condition  is  due  to  the  intemperate  habits  of 
others.  In  the  fourth  division  of  our  summary,  the 
aliens  are  seen  to  hold  first  rank.  A  careful  study  of 
the  data  from  individual  organizations  indicates,  how- 
ever, that  of  426  persons  (nearly  all  women)  whose 
condition  is  stated  to  be  due  to  intemperate  habits  of 
others,  a  majority  are  of  English,  Canadian,  Irish,  and 
German  birth,  wherein  is  sufficient  explanation. 

6.  By  Resident  and  Non-Resident  Applicants. 
The  question  whether  applicants  for  relief  are  resi- 
dents or  non-residents  of  the  city  from  which  reported 
was  incorporated  in  our  schedules  in  the  hope  of  get- 
ting some  light  on  the  liquor  habits  of  tramps  and 
other  professional  beggars  ;  for  the  majority  of  non- 
residents appealing  to  charity,  especially  in  the  smaller 
cities,  belong  primarily  to  the  order  of  tramps  or 
wandering  mendicants.  Our  efforts  in  this  direction 
met  with  many  obstacles.  The  term  "non-resident" 
is  far  from  beii^g  uniformly  applied.  Moreover,  it 
was  declared  by  man}-  competent  investigators  to  be 


RELATIONS  TO  POVERTY. 


83 


impossible  to  learn  the  truth  about  persons  whose 
mendacity  is  often  a  part  of  their  stock  in  trade. 
These  persons  appear  at  the  offices  of  charity  societies 
and,  if  unsuccessful  in  obtaining  direct  alms,  depart, 
leaving  only  a  name  behind,  which  as  likely  as  not  is 
fictitious.  For  these  reasons  most  organizations  re- 
garded it  as  useless  to  report  non-resident  cases,  except 


SUMMARY  Vin. 

RESIDENT   AND   NON-KESIDBNT   APPLICANTS   FOR  RELIEF,   BY   SEX. 


Male  Applicants. 

Female  Applicants. 

Aggregate  op 
Applicants. 

_^ 

_^ 

CI 

a 

a 

jj 

"O 

^ 

ji 

-o 

-a 

■« 

a 

J 

■:3 

0 

a 

S 

B5 

!Z! 

H 

03 

Sz; 

H 

« 

Iz! 

H 

Number. 

12100 

5.318 

17418 

11852 

653 

12505 

23952 

5971 

29923 

Per  cent. 

69.47 

30.53 

100. 

94.78 

5.22 

100. 

80.05 

19.95 

100. 

where  real  distress  was  apparent,  and  an  opportunity 
given  to  probe  it  outside  the  office.  More  than  one 
half  of  our  non-resident  cases  have  been  reported  by 
the  Organized  Charities  Association  of  New  Haven, 
Conn.,  which  included  all  comers  in  its  returns.  The 
relation  of  itinerant  applicants  for  relief  to  the  liquor 
problem  must  therefore  await  further  study,  although 
our  fragmentary  research  brings  out  some  facts  of 
special  interest.  Summary  VIII.  indicates  that  rela- 
tively few  females  belong  to  the  class  of  roving  beggars 
or  tramps. 

Summary  IX.  shows  the  largest  number  of  resident 
applicants  to  belong  to  the  age  period,  30-39.    Yet  we 


84 


THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 


found  the  percentage  of  intemperate  persons  to  be  rela- 
tively larger  in  the  next  age  period,  40-49.  Among 
the  nearly  1000  resident  applicants  of  the  age  of  70 
years  and  over,  very  few  were  discovered  to  be  addicted 
to  the  liquor  habit.  Eight  of  these  persons  had  passed 
the  century  mark  only  to  find  themselves  thrown  upon 


SUMMARY  IX. 

RESIDENT  AND   NON-RESIDENT   APPLICANTS   FOR   RELIEF,   BY  AGB 
PERIODS. 


AoE  Pebiods. 

^ 

«  fe  w-d 

Resident 

bi  t- 

'i'i  H 

AND 

Non-resi- 

a >> 

i 

i 

6 

S 

(M 

CO 

i 

V 

s 

s 

o 

80  y 
and 
Age 
repo 

3 

dent. 

' 

u 

u 

^ 

c 

u 

U 

C 

^ 

c 

f^ 

J3 

J3 

J2 

.Q 

^ 

J3 

rf= 

J3 

.Q 

.D 

.o 

J3 

.o 

a 

a 

g 

a 

a 

a 

a 

a 

a 

a 

a 

a 

a 

3 

3 

3 

3 

3 

3 

3 

3 

3 

3 

3 

^ 

Uq 

^ 

^ 

^ 

^ 

!zi 

fe 

^ 

fe5 

^ 

125 

IZi 

Resident. 

1 

17 

44 

134 

396 

3609 

7183 

5603 

2740 

1810 

800 

193 

1362 

23952 

Non-resi- 

dent. 

~ 

4 

6 

18 

405 

2380 

1643 

758 

330 

133 

35 

7 

252 

5971 

Total. 

1 

21     50 

152 

801 

.5989 

8826 

6421 

3070 

1943 

835   20o'l614 

29923 

Per  cent. 

~ 

0.07  0.17 

0.51 

2.67 

20.02 

29.50 

21.46 

10.26 

6.49 

2.79  0.67  5.39 

100. 

the  bounty  of  strangers,  one  of  them  having  reached 
the  extreme  age  of  107  years. 

About  three  fourths  of  the  non-residents  were  be- 
tween 20  and  29  years  of  age,  that  is,  on  the  whole, 
much  younger  than  the  residents,  but  in  proportion 
more  drinkers  were  discovered  among  non-residents 
30-39  years  of  age. 

Our  next  two  summaries,  X.  and  XI.,  exhibit  resi- 
dents and  non-residents  by  their  own  as  well  as  parent 
nativity.     As   the   table  of   age  periods   leads  us  to 


RELATIONS  TO  POVERTY. 


85 


expect,  considerably  more  than  one  half  of  the  non- 
residents are  native  born,  yet  only  27.67  per  cent.,  or 
a  little  more  than  one  fourth,  have  native  parents.  It 
may  be  taken  for  granted  that  most  of  those  whose 


SUMMARY  X. 

RESIDENT  AND  NON-RESIDENT  APPLICANTS   FOR  RELIEF,  BY  NATIVITY 
OF    APPLICANTS. 


NATrvTiT  OP  Applicants. 


Native  horn      .     .     .     . 
Foreign  horn. 

England 

Scotland 

Ireland 

Canada     

Germany       .     .     .     . 

Sweden  and  Norway 

Italy 

Russia 

Poland 

Austria 

All  other  countries    . 

Unknown      .     .     .     . 

Total      .     .     . 


Resident. 

NON-EESIDENT. 

Total 

CAN 

c 

a 

3 

§ 

a 

3 
IZi 

1 

13432 

56.08 

3616 

60.56 

17048 

958 

4.00 

434 

7.27 

1392 

201 

0.84 

114 

1.91 

315 

3854 

16.09 

771 

12.91 

4625 

475 

1.98 

153 

2.56 

628 

2656 

11.09 

315 

5.28 

2971 

453 

1.89 

132 

2.21 

585 

214 

0.89 

20 

0.33 

234 

162 

0.68 

46 

0.77 

208 

317 

1.32 

29 

0.49 

346 

169 

0.71 

37 

0.62 

206 

656 

2.74 

165 

2.76 

821 

405 

1.69 

139 

2.33 

544 

23952 

80.05 

5971 

19.95 

29923 

56.97 

4.65 
1.05 
15.46 
2.10 
9.93 
1.96 
0.78 
0.70 
1.15 
0.69 
2.74 
1.82 


100. 


parentage  remains  unknown  are  not  of  American  ex- 
traction. Descendants  of  native  parents  usually  know 
themselves  to  be  such,  and  are  proud  to  state  the  fact. 
A  comparison  of  residents  and  non-residents  by  nation- 
alities is  highly  significant.  The  English,  Scotch, 
Canadians,  and  Scandinavians  contribute  to  the  whole 
army  of  applicants  a  relatively  larger  percentage  of 


86 


THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 


non-resident  applicants  than  of  residents  ;  not  so,  how- 
ever, tlie  Irish  and  still  less  so  the  German.  This  is 
by  no  means  purely  a  statistical  accident.  We  believe 
the  figures  truthfully  represent  the  roving  disposition 
of  the  English  as  contrasted  with  the  German  love  of 
a  fixed  abode.     On  the  other  hand,  we  know  about 

SUMMARY  XI. 

RESIDENT   AND   NON-RESIDENT   APPLICANTS   FOR  RELIEF,  BY  PARENT 
NATIVITY. 


Resident. 

Non-resident. 

Total  Appli- 
cants. 

Paeent  Nattvitt. 

^ 

4^ 

c 

M 

"S 

£ 

S 

.o 

.o 

<u 

i 

s 

U* 

Q 

S 

^ 

(S 

^ 

(S 

» 

Pui 

Both  parents  native     .... 

7209 

30.10 

1652 

27.67 

8861 

29.61 

Both  parents  foreign  .... 

12058 

50.34 

3210 

53.76 

15268 

51.03 

Both  parents  unknown    . 

4126 

17.23 

840 

14.07 

4966 

16.60 

Father  native,  mother  foreign  . 

105 

0.44 

76 

1.27 

181 

0.61 

Father  foreign,  mother  native  . 

137 

0.57 

108 

1.81 

245 

0.82 

Father  native,  mother  unknown 

183 

0.76 

43 

0.72 

226 

0.76 

Father     foreign,    mother     un- 

known     

66 

0.27 

15 

0.25 

81 

0.27 

Father  unknown,  mother  native 

45 

0.19 

25 

0.42 

70 

0.23 

Father   unknown,  niother  for- 

23 

0.10 

2 

0.03 

25 

0.07 

Total 

23952 

80.05 

5971 

19.95 

29923 

100. 

the  Canadians  that  their  number  of  non-residents  is 
swelled  by  immigrants  of  French  extraction  who  come 
to  work  in  the  States  for  a  season,  but  do  not  remain 
long  enough  to  acquire  a  residence.  The  totals  for 
the  Scotch,  Scandinavian,  and  the  last  four  groups  of 
nationalities  are  too  small  to  permit  safe  deductions. 

The  significant  fact  in  the  next  summary  is  that  the 
citizens  born  constitute  a  relatively  larger  percentage 


RELATIONS   TO   POVERTY. 


87 


of  the  non-residents  than  the  aliens  and  naturalized 
taken  together.  So  far  as  our  statistics  go,  they  indi- 
cate that  the  problem  of  the  semi-pauper  and  semi- 
criminal  classes  is  a  problem  only  remotely  connected 
with  the  question  of  immigration. 

We  come  to  the  last  table  in  the  present  chapter, 
which  sums  up  the  results  of  our  research  into  the 


StnVUVlARY  XII. 

RESIDENT    AND    NON-KESIDENT    APPLICANTS    FOB    KELIEF,    BY    POLIT- 
ICAL  CONDITION. 


Resident. 

Non-resident. 

Total  Appu- 

CANTS. 

Political  Condition. 

_^ 

-ti 

J2 

J3 

.o 

a 

3 

u 

a 

a 

3 

S 

!zi 

Ch 

^ 

(S 

;zi 

& 

Citizen  bom    .... 

13432 

56.08 

3616 

60.56 

17048 

56.97 

Naturalized    .... 

54.55 

22.78 

1000 

16.75 

6455 

21. .57 

Alien 

3270 

13.65 

990 

16..58 

4260 

14.24 

Unknown 

1795 

7.49 

365 

6.11 

2160 

7.22 

Total     .... 

23952 

80.05 

5971 

19.95 

29923 

100.00 

relations  .of  intemperance  to  poverty.  Before  taking 
up  the  final  analysis  of  the  percentages  exhibited  in 
Summary  XIII.,  the  reader  should  be  placed  in  a  posi- 
tion to  judge  correctly  the  statistics  presented  by  the 
individual  charity  organization  society  as  seen  in  detail 
Table  XIII.  of  the  Appendix,  from  which  the- general 
averages  are  derived.  For  the  sake  of  brevity,  we 
refer  to  these  organizations  by  the  names  of  their  re- 
spective cities. 

Perhaps  the  most   striking  feature  of  the  returns 


88  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

from  the  thirty-three  cities  is  the  uniformity  in  the 
essential  results.  In  the  first  five  cities  given,  the 
greatest  difference  in  the  amount  of  poverty  attributed 
to  drink  is  between  Baltimore  and  San  Francisco, 
places  separated  by  the  bi-eadth  of  the  continent ;  yet 
the  percentages  of  intemperance  are  not  far  apart, 
being  21.04  for  Baltimore  and  28.98  for  San  Fran- 
cisco. Seventeen  cities,  representing  no  less  than 
fourteen  States,  show  a  divergence  from  the  mean  not 
exceeding  6.50  per  cent,  in  a  single  instance,  and  this 
number  comprises  nearly  all  the  principal  centres  of 
population. 

We  mention  in  the  Introduction  certain  factors  that 
of  necessity  must  affect  the  returns  from  different  locali- 
ties ;  such  as  elements  of  population,  chief  occupations 
of  applicants,  whether  the  latter  come  from  the  lowest 
class  of  the  poor  or  from  the  more  worthy,  whether 
they  are  mainly  homeless  men  or  members  of  families, 
the  kind  of  liquor  laws  prevailing,  and  the  manner 
of  their  enforcement.  The  wide  variety  of  local  con- 
ditions and  characteristics  reflected  in  the  statistics 
goes  far  toward  determining  the  discoverable  amount 
of  intemperance.  Nevertheless,  it  does  not  always 
follow  that  local  conditions  play  the  part  a  superficial 
judgment  would  attribute  to  them.  When  it  is 
known,  for  example,  that  the  statistics  from  Chicago 
pertain  almost  exclusively  to  inhabitants  of  what  is 
called  the  Stock  Yards  District,  one  having  a  casual 
acquaintance  with  that  locality  would  naturally  expect 
to  find  a  very  large  percentage  of  poverty  ascribed  to 
the  abuse  of  liquor.  But  this  is  not  the  case,  in  spite 
of  local  peculiarities  that  would   seem   to  foster  the 


RELATIONS   TO   POVERTY.  89 

liquor  habit.  Our  very  competent  investigator  de- 
scribes the  Stock  Yards  District  of  Chicago  in  the  fol- 
lowing words :  — 

"  Probably  80  per  cent,  of  the  families  registered  are 
dependent  in  some  way  upon  the  United  Stock  Yards 
and  affiliated  packing-houses.  They  are  practically  all 
of  resident  families.  Very  few  homeless  men  ever  apply 
at  the  office.  .  .  .  There  are  no  large  tenement  houses, 
little  overcrowding,  and  many  vacant  spaces.  There 
is  a  frightful  condition  in  regard  to  sanitation,  —  open 
sewers,  unconnected  closets,  few  garbage  boxes,  and 
countless  foul  odors,  and  all  the  accompanying  abuses 
of  the  great  industry  upon  which  the  community  de- 
pends. There  is  a  constant  cloud  of  smoke  hanging 
over  the  neighborhood,  which  irritates  the  throat  and 
lungs.  All  these  combined  give  some  portions  of  the 
district  (and  those  are  the  portions  from  which  a  large 
percentage  of  the  names  sent  were  obtained)  the  high- 
est death  rate  in  the  city.  The  population  is  mixed  in 
about  the  proportion  shown  in  the  schedules,  save  that, 
as  usual,  the  Irish  are  more  than  proportionally  repre- 
sented, and  perhaps  the  Poles  and  Bohemians  scantily. 
The  wage  system  in  the  Yards  is  such  as  to  demoralize 
character.  All  pay  is  by  the  hour,  and  all  the  plants 
have  a  capacity  far  bej^ond  their  needs,  so  that  it  is 
seldom  necessary  to  keep  stock  any  length  of  time. 
Hence  work  is  extremely  irregular  and  almost  always 
less  than  full  time.  Many  families  earn  less  than  six 
dollars  a  week  the  year  round.  Hundreds  of  men  are 
working  with  no  idea  whether  they  will  work  two 
hours  or  fourteen,  or  be  entirely  idle  the  next  day. 
Again,  many  firms  pay  in  checks  which  can  only  be 


90  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

cashed,  ordinarily,  in  saloons.  Every  entrance  to  the 
Yards  is  surrounded  by  saloons,  and  it  is  customary 
for  the  men  to  come  out  and  sit  around  these  saloons 
on  benches  provided  for  the  purpose,  and  eat  their 
dinners.  In  the  winter  the  saloons  provide  rooms 
with  benches  and  tables,  where  the  lunches  may  be 
eaten.  Hence  the  pail  of  beer  is  an  almost  invariable 
accompaniment  of  the  meal. 

"Taking  the  district  as  a  whole,  I  should  not  call 
it  by  any  means  an  intemperate  one.  Drunken  men 
are  very  seldom  seen,  and  a  very  large  per  cent,  of  the 
drinking  is  from  '  growlers.'  There  are  few  low- 
grade  dance  halls  (not  more  than  four  or  five  in  the 
whole  neighborhood),  only  one  or  two  gambling  dens, 
practically  no  houses  of  ill-fame,  and  no  lodging-houses 
or  like  disreputable  resorts.  The  entire  territory  in- 
cluded in  the  above  description  comprises  about  five 
square  miles,  with  about  150,000  inhabitants." 

We  shall  better  understand  how  far  local  condi- 
tions influence  the  percentages  of  poverty  attributed  to 
intemperance  when  we  account  for  the  most  marked 
divergences  from  the  general  average  exhibited  in  the 
statistics  from  the  different  places.  Beginning  with 
Pawtucket,  R.  I.,  the  city  showing  the  heaviest  per- 
centage of  poverty  due  to  intemperance,  namely  57.61, 
we  learn  that  the  Associated  Charities  of  the  place 
is  also  an  association  giving  direct  alms  from  its  own 
funds.  Hence  it  proves  singularly  attractive  to  the 
unworthy  poor,  the  indolent,  beggars,  and  topers. 
Pawtucket  and  the  adjoining  city.  Central  Falls, 
which  is  also  represented  in  the  returns,  have  together 
about  50,000  inhabitants,  most  of  whom  are  mill  opera- 


RELATIONS  TO   POVERTY.  91 

tives  and  shop  hands.  On  the  whole,  these  cities  do 
not  compare  favorably  with  the  general  type  of  New 
England  mill  towns  of  like  size,  owing  in  part  to  their 
being  practically  manufacturing  suburbs  of  Provi- 
dence. Visible  inebriety  is  very  common.  Including 
apothecary  shops,  about  220  licensed  places  under  law 
sujDcrvision  supply  liquor  to  the  thirsty  inhabitants. 

The  next  highest  percentage  of  poverty  attributed 
to  drink,  54.43,  is  in  New  Brunswick,  N.  J.  It  will 
be  observed  that  the  total  number  of  cases  accounted 
for  is  very  small.  These  words  of  the  investigator 
seem  to  explain  the  situation :  "  In  the  first  years  of 
the  Charity  Organization  Society,  different  classes  of 
poor  were  entered ;  now  almost  exclusively  the  lowest 
apply.  ...  In  a  population  of  about  20,000,  or  a  little 
under  this  number,  we  are  said  to  have  98  licensed 
saloons.  They  are  a  very  low  class  of  saloons,  and  the 
liquor  laws  are  not  enforced." 

In  Bayonne,  N.  J.,  53.97  per  cent,  of  the  poverty 
treated  by  the  Charity  Organization  Society  is  found 
to  be  due  to  intemperance.  We  quote  from  a  letter 
written  by  the  head  of  this  society :  "  The  character 
of  our  population,  the  notoriously  lax  administration 
of  the  liquor  laws,  and  the  irregularity  of  employment 
doubtless  account  to  a  large  extent  for  the  high  per- 
centage. .  .  .  The  police  make  no  effort  to  enforce 
the  law  which  forbids  the  sale  of  liquor  to  minors,  for 
example.  ...  A  large  number  of  men  are  employed 
as  day  laborers  on  the  coal  docks,  whose  work  is  un- 
certain and  probably  does  not  average  over  four  days 
a  week.  I  regard  this  as  a  very  imj)ortant  factor  in 
the  connection  I  mention.     Another  important  factor 


92  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM, 

which  should  not  be  overlooked  is  that  for  a  number 
of  years  our  school  facilities  have  been  inadequate, 
so  that  the  enforcement  of  the  truancy  law  has  been 
impossible.  The  efPect  of  this  is  far-reaching,  as  our 
records  bear  evidence."  The  Bayonne  investigation 
appears  also  to  have  been  conducted  on  somewhat 
unusual  lines.  For  it  is  said  that,  "  in  assigning  the 
abuse  of  liquor  as  a  direct  or  indirect  cause  of  the  dis- 
tress of  a  family,  the  determining  consideration  was 
not  the  question  of  actual  drunkenness,  but  whether 
the  amount  of  money  habitually  spent  on  liquor  was 
sufficient  to  impoverish  the  family."  (See  Introduc- 
tion, p.  46.) 

It  should  be  noted  that  the  three  cities  just  men- 
tioned are  among  the  smallest  in  our  tables. 

The  very  high  percentage  of  drink  in  Cambridge, 
Mass.,  a  no-license  city,  is  not  so  easily  accounted  for. 
It  is  within  easy  reach  of  the  Boston  saloons,  and 
the  comparatively  low  rentals  in  the  portion  of  the 
city  nearest  Boston  may  attract  drinking  classes.  The 
enormous  annual  expenditure  of  the  municipality  for 
public  relief  undoubtedly  draws  many  unworthy  poor 
to  Cambridge.  Further  explanations  may  be  found 
in  the  fact  that  the  investigation  was  most  searching, 
and  that  so  many  applicants  are  of  Irish  birth  or 
parentage. 

Eleven  cities  give  percentages  of  poverty  due  to 
drink  varying  from  31.07  to  43.48.  With  the  excep- 
tion of  Buffalo,  they  may  all  be  considered  cities  of  the 
third  class  in  point  of  population.  The  slight  diver- 
gence of  the  percentages  of  those  of  the  eleven  cities  — 
New  York,  Chicago,  Brooklyn,  Baltimore,  San  Fran- 


RELATIONS   TO   POVERTY.  93 

cisco,  Buffalo,  Washington,  etc.  —  closest  to  each  other 
as  to  the  number  of  inhabitants  and  general  features 
merits  attention. 

Since  our  statistics  merely  depict  the  relation  of 
poverty  to  drink,  and  are  not  indicative  of  the  average 
inebriety  of  the  citizens  of  one  place  as  compared  with 
those  of  another,  it  should  not  surprise  us  that  the 
largest  cities  exhibit  the  smaller  amount  of  poverty 
attributable  to  intemperance.  In  the  great  centres  the 
stress  of  life  bears  hardest  on  the  artisan  and  laborer. 
Nowhere  else  is  competition  so  fierce  or  emj)loyment 
so  difficult  to  obtain.  Thither  drift  multitudes  of 
unskilled  and  ignorant  men  and  women  in  often  futile 
search  for  work.  For  these  and  other  equally  obvious 
reasons,  it  follows  that  the  proportion  of  persons  who 
through  no  misconduct  of  their  own  are  forced  to  ask 
charity  holds  some  relation  to  the  magnitude  of  the 
city. 

Cincinnati,  New  Haven,  and  Denver,  in  the  order 
named,  are  seen  to  rank  lowest  as  to  the  percentages 
of  poverty  caused  by  drink.  In  Cincinnati  nearly  all 
the  very  numerous  new  cases  of  distress,  that  is,  per- 
sons applying  for  aid  for  the  first  time,  benefited  by 
the  stand  taken  by  the  investigator,  that  since  he  had 
not  known  the  condition  of  these  persons  long  and 
intimately,  he  was  disinclined  to  report  intemperance 
as  the  cause  of  distress  unless  aj^parent  without  special 
investigation.  This  and  the  fact  that  no  effort  was 
made  to  ascertain  how  far  poverty  is  caused  indirectly 
by  drink  give  Cincinnati  a  percentage  of  poverty 
attributable  to  intemperance  lower,  we  believe,  than 
a  more  searching  inquiry  would  have  yielded. 


94  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

Of  the  3516  cases  investigated  in  New  Haven,  only 
522  were  resident.  The  number  of  the  latter,  the 
cause  of  whose  condition  is  not  reported,  is  greater  than 
the  number  of  persons  found  to  be  impoverished  through 
drink.  This  singular  fact  is  duplicated  in  the  instance 
of  only  one  other  city,  namely,  Denver.  The  mass  of 
the  New  Haven  cases  are  non-resident,  and  for  that 
reason  were  not  readily  investigated.  A  hurriedly  noted 
personal  statement  of  the  applicant  was  about  all  that 
could  be  obtained.  Persons  of  the  tramp  and  beggar 
classes  are  proverbially  untruthful.  Unless  the  inves- 
tigator exercises  his  judgment  very  freely,  he  is  not 
likely  to  put  down  many  as  intemperate. 

We  have  already  indicated  one  reason  for  the  low 
percentage  of  drink  returned  from  Denver.  Another 
is  that  the  investigators  centred  their  attention  on  the 
personal  use  of  intoxicants,  giving  comparatively  little 
heed  to  drink  as  an  indirect  cause  of  want,  as  may  be 
gleaned  from  the  detail  tables. 

We  have  briefly  accounted  for  the  mpst  marked  di- 
vergences from  the  mean.  The  fact  remains  that  the 
lowest  percentage  returned  from  the  thirty-three  cities 
is  not  only  higher  than  the  figures  for  intemperance 
given  for  the  same  city  in  the  annual  tabulation  of  the 
causes  of  distress,  but  very  much  higher  than  the  fig- 
ures found  in  the  reports  of  nearly  all  charity  organi- 
zations. In  other  words,  the  discrepancy  between  the 
returns  from  various  cities  as  shown  in  our  tables  is 
not  so  startling  as  the  discrepancy  between  the  general 
results  of  the  jsresent  investigation  and  the  results 
gleaned  from  previous  tabulations  from  the  case  records 
of  different  charity  organization  societies.     It  is  suffi- 


RELATIONS  TO  POVERTY.  95 

cient  to  mention  that  the  examination  made  by  Professor 
Warner  (American  Charities)  of  6450  cases  of  distress 
recorded  by  the  charity  organization  societies  of  Balti- 
more, Boston,  Buffalo,  Cincinnati,  and  New  York  in  the 
year  1891-92  yielded  11.4  as  the  average  percentage  of 
poverty  caused  by  drink,  Buffalo  standing  at  the  foot 
of  the  list  with  8.1  per  cent.  The  percentage  for  the 
same  cities  (exclusive  of  New  York)  for  the  preceding 
year  was  a  trifle  over  12.  What  is  the  explanation  ? 
The  distinguishing  trait  of  the  jjresent  investigation,  as 
compared  with  previous  ones,  or  those  made  by  charity 
organization  societies  in  the  ordinary  course  of  their 
work,  is  its  more  searching  character.  Ours  is  the  first 
attempt  in  this  country  at  a  special  and  comprehensive 
inquiry,  based  upon  original  data,  into  the  relations  of 
poverty  to  the  liquor  problem.  Moreover,  it  is  the 
first  time  that  an  effort  has  been  made  to  give  full 
weight  to  intemperance  as  an  indirect  cause  of  want. 

Our  failure  to  embrace  other  well-known  causes  of 
distress  does  not,  we  are  confident,  exaggerate  drink 
as  a  cause  of  distress.  It  should  be  remembered  that 
the  truthfulness  of  the  statistics  is  vouched  for,  not 
by  agents  of  the  Committee  of  Fifty,  but  by  officials 
of  the  respective  charity  organization  societies  who 
have  collected  the  information.  They  were  asked  to 
report  facts  and  nothing  more.  Whatever  results  might 
be  arrived  at  could  have  no  possible  effect  upon  the 
treatment  of  the  individuals  under  their  care.  This 
fact  may  to  some  extent  have  removed  the  very  laud- 
able desire  observed  in  some  places  not  to  enter  liquor 
as  the  cause  of  distress  on  the  records  of  the  society 
unless  nothing  else  is  admissible,  in  order  not  to  preju- 


96  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

dice  the  case  if  a  future  application  for  relief  is  made. 
The  agents  could  have  no  motive  in  wishing  to  swell  the 
averages.  Indeed,  they  were  the  most  surprised  to  dis- 
cover how  widely  the  liquor  habit  affects  the  lives  of 
their  poor.  Fearful  that  they  might  have  unwittingly 
made  extravagant  statements,  some  subjected  their 
schedules  to  a  revision,  with  the  deliberate  purpose  of 
giving  every  doubtful  case  the  benefit  of  reasonable 
doubt,  yet  failed  to  reduce  perceptibly  the  percentage 
of  intemperance.  Others  frankly  expressed  the  opinion 
that  the  full  effects  of  the  liquor  habit  are  not  shown 
in  their  returns.  And  this  in  the  face  of  the  fact  that 
their  previous  tabulation  of  poverty  causes  had  shown 
intemperance  to  take  a  much  lower  rank. 

As  final  results  of  the  investigation,  we  find  that  of 
the  29,923  cases  reported,  18.46  per  cent,  owed  their 
poverty  to  personal  use  of  liquor,  2.07  per  cent,  to  the 
intemperate  habits  of  one  or  both  parents,  0.45  per 
cent,  to  the  intemperate  habits  of  natural  or  legal 
guardians,  and  7.39  per  cent,  to  the  intemperate  habits 
of  others,  not  parents  or  guardians. 

The  general  average  percentage  of  poverty  due 
directly  or  indirectly  to  drink  is  25.06,  with  6.03 
per  cent,  of  the  total  number  of  cases  unaccounted  for. 
This  general  average  percentage  is  smaller  than  the 
sum  of  the  percentages  in  the  first  four  divisions  of 
Summary  XIII.  because,  in  some  instances,  the  condi- 
tion of  an  individual  was  found  to  be  due  to  more  than 
one  of  the  causes  enumerated.  The  amount  of  poverty 
induced  by  drink  not  being  a  quantity  measurable 
mathematically,  the  percentage  25.06  simply  stands  for 
such  approximate  expression  of  the  truth  of  the  matter 


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98  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

as  a  careful  and  somewliat  extensive  statistical  study 
yields. 

We  have  already  shown  why  the  results  of  other  in- 
vestigations of  poverty  causes  based  upon  data  of  char- 
ity organization  societies  in  this  country  are  not  quite 
comparable  with  ours ;  and  others  need  not  be  consid- 
ered here.  In  foreign  countries,  the  only  statistics  to 
be  brought  into  comparison  are  those  presented  by 
Mr.  Charles  Booth ;  the  German  statistics  deal  chiefly 
with  inmates  of  institutions,  and  will  be  considered 
in  the  next  chapter.  Mr.  Booth  found  that  of  4000 
cases  of  poverty  in  East  London,  known  by  certain  of 
the  school  board  visitors,  13  and  14  per  cent,  were  due 
to  drink,  the  higher  percentage  being  for  the  greater 
degree  of  poverty.  In  another  investigation,  compris- 
ing 5000  cases  of  persons  living  poor  and  irregular 
lives,  the  classes  into  which  they  were  divided  gave 

10  and  11  per  cent,  attributable  to  drink,  dropping  to 
only  5  per  cent,  for  another  3000  who,  though  poor, 
were  more  regularly  employed.  Mr.  Booth  did  not 
include  the  homeless  poor  and  the  beggar  class  in  his 
investigation,  neither  does  it  appear  that  all  of  the  first 
mentioned  4000  cases  were  applicants  for  relief  in  the 
sense  of  being  quite  destitute  at  the  time  of  the  inquiry. 
Yet  taking  the  highest  percentage  (14)  of  poverty  at- 
tributed by  Mr.  Booth  to  the  liquor  habit,  which  repre- 
sents the  lowest  class  of  the  community  (Classes  A 
and  B  in  his  work),  there  is  a  discrepany  of  more  than 

11  per  cent,  between  that  and  our  general  average 
percentage.  Whether  the  methods  of  investigation 
and  the  probably  more  detailed  inquiry  made  by  us 
regarding  drink  as  an  indirect  cause  account  for  it, 


RELATIONS  TO  POVERTY.  99 

or  whether  an  explanation  is  to  be  sought  in  the  possi- 
ble fact  that  the  two  sets  of  statistics  treat  of  different 
classes  of  people  not  readily  comj)arable,  cannot  be 
definitely  stated.  The  truth  remains  that  our  percent- 
ages occupy  a  middle  ground  between  the  extreme 
views  entertained  by  older  writers  and  the  results  of 
some  more  recent  investigations. 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM  IN  ITS  RELATIONS  TO  PAUPERISM. 

1.  By  Color. 

Whether  the  Negroes  take  unkindly  to  the  alms- 
house, or  are  not  particularly  welcomed  as  inmates,  it 
is  a  matter  of  surprise  that  so  few  of  them  are  found 
among  the  sane  paupers  of  our  institutions.  Of  1531 
persons  in  the  New  York  city  almshouse,  but  one  was 
a  Negro ;  of  617  in  Buffalo,  only  2  ;  of  1143  in  Cook 
County,  111.  (Chicago),  18,  etc.  Even  in  New  Jersey, 
with  its  by  no  means  small  colored  population,  rela- 
tively few  of  the  race  are  inmates  of  almshouses. 
Baltimore  reports  a  larger  number  of  colored  than  any 
other  place,  yet  it  is  only  61.  Of  the  total  number 
of  pauper  cases  investigated,  only  2.47  per  cent,  are 
colored ;  and  these  are  so  scattered  among  the  dif- 
ferent institutions  that  in  several  instances  inferences 
from  percentages  become  absurd.  The  solitary  Negro 
in  the  New  York  almshouse,  for  instance,  being  found 
intemperate,  makes  the  percentage  of  colored  paupers 
in  that  institution  whose  condition  is  due  to  the  jjer- 
sonal  use  of  liquor  100  ! 

Nevertheless,  so  far  as  they  go,  our  pauper  statistics 
of  colored  are  of  distinct  value,  for  they  corroborate 
at  every  point  the  conclusions  to  be  drawn  from  the 
tables  in  chapter  ii.     In  those  we  learned  that  rela- 


RELATIONS  TO  PAUPERISM. 


101 


tively  more  than  twice  as  many  white  as  colored  poor 
owe  their  condition  to  the  personal  ii:je  of  liquor.^  ^.tim- 
mary  I.,  under  the  present  headj  shows  nearly  the  same 
difference  in  favor  of  the  colored  ji^u pep..,' A-g^aiuy, 
relatively  half  as  many  colored  as  white  persons  become 
paupers  through  the  intemj)erate  habits  of  others,  which 


SUMMARY  I. 

PAtJPERISM   IN    ALMSHOUSES   AS   AFFECTED  BY  THE    PERSONAL   USE  OF 
INTOXICATING   LIQUORS,   BY   COLOR. 


White  Paupers. 

Colored  Paupers. 

Aooreoate  of 
Paupers. 

u  c 

2"S 

9 
o 

SS 

s-s 

3 
o 

o  o 

2"3 

3 
o 

» 

P.3 

2-S 

-3  S 

'9 

o  2* 

•3S 
^  3 

■a 

s-S 

4J     3 

n3 

3  O 

S    O 

O 

3  O 

-O  OJ 

^  ^ 

u 

"S 

'^    ^ 

3  ^ 

g 

"3 

-O   0) 

•^  ^ 

"cS 

0  S 

°  S  ^' 

Sis 

3  S-- 

o 
H 

§3 

is 

o  "■ 

3  S 
III 

li 

o 
H 

3  2 

S'3 

o  "" 

1^^ 

2  o 

o 
H 

o 

o 

o 

O 

o 

" 

o 

o 

U 

Number. 

2716 

4990 

420 

SI  35 

49 

208 

28 

285 

27G5 

5207 

448   8420 

Per  cent. 

33.39 

G1.45 

5.16 

100. 

17.19 

72.98 

9.83 

100. 

32.84 

G1.84 

5.32    100. 

SUMMARY   II. 

PAUPERISM    IN    ALMSHOUSES    AS    AFFECTED     INDIRECTLY    BY    THE    IN- 
TEMPERATE   HABITS    OF    OTHERS,    BY    COLOR. 


White  Paupers. 

CoLOEED  Paupers. 

Aggregate  of 
Paupers. 

s-S     22 

§ 

3.2 

0  m 

3 
0 

iS 

0  m 

§ 

"3 

!c  .a 

"3 

a;  J2 

4i3 

■aJ3 

■".3 

-3.3 

0) 

-  t«  £ 

ll  ^ 

"1 

•3 

hi 

3  2  ^ 

^  a;  t' 

0 

-n 

^    £S    t. 

ll^ 

■,,0 

-3 

.9  Si 

3  y- i 

0  g- 

0 
H 

0  SJ  - 

■nU 

0  g- 

^ 

0  s  i 

■23I 

°  §" 

0 
H 

Is- 

^^^ 

2^ 

^i.:^ 

'■^^::: 

$^ 

g  H" 

^  £  0 

IS 

3.3  0 

3«  0 

3.3  0 

^  ■- 

3"  0 

3.3  0 

o 

::.) 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

Number. 

722 

4945 

2468 

81.35 

13 

139 

133 

2a5 

735 

,5084   2601 

8420 

Percent. 

8.87 

60.79 

30.34 

100. 

4.56 

48.77 

46.67 

100. 

8.73 

60.38  30.89 

100. 

102  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

perfectly  accords  with  the  corresponding  statistics  re- 
lation to  applicantB  for  relief. 

What  the  totals  disclose  is  substantiated  by  the 
i'e^;i'rrs  from  ths  single  institutions  having  the  largest 
number  of  colored.  In  the  Baltimore  almshouse,  43.22 
per  cent,  of  the  whites  had  become  paupers  through 
the  personal  use  of  liquor,  against  19. G7  per  cent,  of 
the  colored ;  in  the  four  institutions  in  North  Carolina 
(tabulated  as  one  almshouse),  with  a  total  of  45 
colored,  the  percentages  are  29.27  for  the  white  and 
20.00  for  the  colored ;  in  Marion  County,  Ind.,  30.56 
4.17,  etc.  The  percentages  of  persons  pauperized 
through  the  intemperate  habits  of  others  stand  in  the 
same  relations  for  the  two  races.  In  Baltimore,  for 
instance,  the  figures  for  whites  are  6.47  per  cent,  and 
for  colored  3.28  per  cent. ;  in  the  North  Carolina 
institutions  26.83  per  cent,  and  2.22  per  cent. 

2.  By  Sex. 

In  exceptional  instances  an  almshouse  is  found  to 
shelter  more  females  than  males.  Our  returns  from 
some  almshouses,  however,  do  not  indicate  the  exact 
numerical  proportion  of  the  sexes,  since  occasionally 
more  women  than  men  were  unfit  subjects  for  exami- 
nation on  account  of  bodily  or  mental  infirmity.  But 
as  a  rule,  the  i3auper  world  is  peopled  by  an  excess  of 
males.  As  among  applicants  for  relief,  so  among  pau- 
pers, the  overwhelming  number  who  have  become  pub- 
lic charges  through  the  liquor  habit  are  men. 

Of  the  aggregate  of  paupers,  32.84  per  cent,  owe 
their  condition  to  personal  intemperance,  but  in  sep- 
arating  the  sexes,  we  find   that  the   males  who   are 


RELATIONS   TO   PAUPERISM. 


103 


intemperate  outnumber  proportionately  the  females  by 
more  than  two  to  one,  a  greater  difference  with  respect 
to  sex  than  among  applicants  for  relief.  Yet  it  cannot 
be  denied  that  more  difficulty  was  experienced  in 
obtaining  the  full  history  of  female  paupers.  When 
perceptions  have  not  been  dulled  by  long  institutional 

SUMMARY  in. 


PAUPERISM   IN   ALMSHOUSES    AS   AFFECTED  BY  THE    PERSONAL   USE  OF 
INTOXICATING  LIQUORS,   BY   SEX. 


Male  Facpebs. 

Feuale  Paitpeks. 

Aggregate  of 

PAtrPERS. 

i*    U 

2*3 

a 
o 

5'3 

§ 

a 

2-3 

§ 

0.3 

P.S 

CS 

S-S* 

■O  So 

■o 

o-S" 

■O    M 

■o 

2-- 

-5^ 

■o 

n"= 

S'= 

S-a 

o 

3  O 

o 

3  O 

•a  0) 

«  ^ 

cS 

"O  e 

a 

■3 

"O  e 

a  ^ 

• 

s  S 
.2  " 

11 

■2  o  '" 

"3  S  £• 
S  »-- 

is 

o 

c  S 

5  5  2 
"2  53  5- 

o 

5  "3 
^  a 

•o  " 

a  cs 
2  S  1^ 

Pi 

3   2 

1 

o 

o 

o 

o 

Q 

u 

o 

o 

u 

Number. 

2236 

27G2 

227 

5225 

529 

2445 

221 

3195 

2765 

5207 

448 

8420 

Perceut. 

42.79 

52.86 

4.35 

100. 

16. 5C 

7C.53 

6.91 

100. 

32.84 

61.84 

5.32 

100. 

SUMMARY   IV. 


PAUPERISM    IN    ALMSHOUSES    AS    AFFECTED    INDIRECTLY    BY    THE    IN- 
TEMPERATE   HABITS    OF    OTHERS,    BY    SEX. 


Male  Paupers. 

Female  Paupers. 

Aggregate  of 
Paupers. 

i2 

25 

§ 

a2 

2-2 

§ 

a2 

o  » 

a 
o 

"iS 

»  J3 

.a 

<a^ 

"'3 

eg 

-3  — 

-«  J 

■3~ 

■3 

-.3 

'0  — 

in. 

s| 

"3 

^^S, 

11 

Is 

Is^ 

213     . 

5 

...  0^  ^ 
3  g- 2 

0& 

S 

Sg2 

-c  aj  t. 
.2  a  £ 

og- 

5 

•2  2  5 

.2  II 

o 
H 

=3  2- 

;g^^ 

S^ 

S3," 

^^c!:: 

11 

^1^ 

2  o 

P-o 

g.=  o 

c3   " 

S«  ° 

0--0 

§2  o 

o--" 

SS 

O 

O 

u 

'^ 

U 

o 

o 

o 

o 

Number. 

327 

31'?9 

l7or' 

5225 

40S 

189.- 

802  3195 

7a5 

5084 

2601 

8420 

Per  cent. 

6.26 

61.03 

32.71 

100. 

12.77 

59.31 

27.92  100. 

8.73 

60.38 

30.89 

100. 

104  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

life,  the  feeling  so  common  in  the  outer  world  that  it 
is  particularly  disgraceful  for  women  to  confess  to  the 
liquor  habit  lends  color  to  some  personal  statements. 
It  is  probable,  therefore,  that  more  women  have  become 
paupers  through  the  drink  habit  than  is  indicated  by 
our  figures. 

Relatively  twice  as  many  females  as  males  have 
become  pauperized  through  the  intemperate  habits  of 
others,  according  to  Summary  IV.  The  difference  be- 
tween the  sexes  in  this  respect  is  much  smaller  than 
the  difference  exhibited  in  the  corresponding  summary 
for  applicants  for  relief,  and  for  ample  reasons.  The 
proportion  of  spinsters  is  invariably  greater  in  alms- 
houses than  in  ordinary  groujjs  of  charity  cases,  though 
we  are  inclined  to  hold  that  it  is  not  quite  what 
Summary  VII.  would  have  us  believe,  of  which  further 
mention  will  be  made.  Single  women,  of  course,  rarely 
owe  their  pauperism  indirectly  to  the  liquor  habit. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  is  commoner  to  find  male  paupers 
than  male  applicants  for  charity,  whose  lives  have 
been  ruined  by  drunken  wives  and  children,  or  to 
whom  intemperate  relatives  refuse  support  in  old  age. 
The  peculiarities  of  the  percentages  in  the  corresj)ond- 
ing  Appendix  Table  IV.  must  be  ascribed  to  the  cir- 
cumstance that  the  indirect  effects  of  the  liquor  habit 
were  not  traced  with  equal  care  in  all  institutions. 

3.  By  Age  Periods. 

Judging  from  the  histories  of  paupers  as  recorded 

on  our  schedules,  we  feel  justified   in  saying,  in  the 

light  of  Summary  V.,  that  few  persons  are  admitted 

to  almshouses  before  the  age  of  30,  except  through 


RELATIONS   TO   PAUPERISM. 


105 


some  accident,  physical  imperfection,  or  acute  ailment. 
From  the  thirtieth  year  men  and  women  finding  them- 
selves worsted  in  the  struggle  for  independent  exist- 
ence, or  having  succumbed  to  vices  that  drained  their 
strength,  are  ready  to  knock  at  the  door  of  the  last 
refuge,  —  the  poorhouse.  They  come  in  ever  larger 
numbers  until  the  end  of  the  age  period  60-69.  Then 
there  is  an  abrupt  decline,  and  the  number  who  reach 
the  almshouse  after  the  age  of  80  is  not  much  larger 
than  of  those  who  are  admitted  before  the  fifteenth 
year.  More  than  50  per  cent,  of  all  the  paupers 
become   such  before   the    sixtieth   year.      While   the 

SUMMAKY  V. 

AGE    OP    PAUPERS   IK   ALMSHOUSES  AT  ADMISSION   TO   INSTITUTION,  BY 
AGE    PERIODS. 

Age  Periods. 


Under  1 
year. 

1-4. 

5-9. 

10-14. 

15 

-19. 

20-29. 

30-39. 

« 

s 

^ 

9 

c 

G 

*j 

a 

c 

a 

£: 

x> 

.o 

g 

3 

a 

3 

t 

a 

I 

a 

3 

a 

3 

u 

3 

p 

a 

3 

t-t 

;z; 

&H 

34 

0.40 

37 

Pm 

40 

0.48 

^ 

CL, 

G57 

fM 

'A 

EM 

5G 

0.C7 

0.44 

173 

2.06 

7.80 

8C4 

10.26 

Age  Peeiods. 

40-49 

50-59 

60-69 

70-79 

80  years 
and  over. 

Age  not 
reported. 

Total. 

u 

a 

u 

a 

c 

a 

i^ 

^ 

s^ 

■3 

u 

a 

.o 

^ 

J2 

^ 

.0 

a 

Z 

a 

3 

Z 

a 

t4 

a 

t. 

g 

3 

t4 

3 

3 

u 

IZi 

Hi 

» 

Ch 

^ 

Ck 

« 

Oi 

•A 

Pi 

•a 

194 

Hi 

1215 

14.43 

1739 

20.65 

2080 

24.70 

1093 

12.98 

238 

2.83 

2.30 

8420 

106 


THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 


SUMMARY  VI. 

PRESENT   AGE   OF  PAUPERS   IN  ALMSHOUSES,  BY   AGE   PERIODS. 
AoE  Febiods. 


Under  1 
year. 

1-4. 

5-9. 

10-14. 

15-19. 

20-29. 

30-39. 

Si 

a 

M 

U 

S 

c 

fl 

U 

a 

^ 

3 

t^ 

a 

.0 
i 

S 
ft 

.a 

u 

3 

u 

.0 

0 

i 

Pi 

a 
3 

t4 

J3 

a 
3 

h 

iz; 

t^ 

IZi 

41 

Ah 

15 

P4 

» 

(1h 

IZi 

(S 

511 

Ph 

^5 

751 

(M 

39 

0.46 

0.49 

0.18 

25 

0.30 

100 

1.19 

6.07 

8.92 

Age  Periods. 

40^9 

50-59 

60-69 

70-79 

80  years 
and  over. 

Age  not 
reported. 

Total. 

1 

3 

a 

s 

3 
3 

a 
0 

1^ 

.0 

a 

a 
P-i 

1 

3 

4^ 
a 

u 

(2 

J2 

a 

3 

452 

a 

l2 

1 

a 
3 
;?! 

134 

a 
(2 

1088 

12.92 

1595 

18.94 

2203 

26.16 

1466 

17.41 

5.37 

1.59 

8420 

largest  number  within  any  single  period  is  in  the  age 
period  60-69,  relatively  more  who  were  paying  the  pen- 
alty of  their  liquor  habit  belonged  to  the  age  periods 
40-59  at  the  time  of  admission. 

Summary  VI.  is  supplementary  to  the  next  preced- 
ing, and  shows  the  ages  of  paupers  at  the  time  of  the 
idvestigation.  Here  the  percentages  under  the  last 
three  age  periods  are,  of  course,  larger,  for  while  few 
become  paupers  after  reaching  the  eightieth  year,  mauy 
who  are  such  attain  even  greater  age  in  the  almshouse. 
That  those  admitted  before  the  twentieth  year  out- 
number those  found  to  be  under  this  age  during  the 


RELATIONS   TO   PAUPERISM.  107 

investigation  is  probably  owing  to  the  fact  that  de- 
pendent children  are  now  more  generally  provided  for 
outside  almshouses.  The  1.59  per  cent,  whose  age 
was  not  reported  represents  quite  accurately  the  per- 
centage of  paupers  who  are  in  ignorance  of  their 
years. 

4.  By  Occupations. 

A  close  affinity  between  the  drink  habit  and  certain 
occupations  has  long  been  recognized.  It  is  quite 
common  to  hear  charity-workers  comment  on  the  pre- 
valence of  drunkenness  among  printers,  male  cooks 
and  waiters,  painters,  and  teamsters,  for  example.  In 
the  case  of  the  last  mentioned  there  is  perhaps  nothing 
in  the  occupation  itself  that  engenders  a  craving  for 
stimulants,  but  it  affords  unusual  opportunities  for 
indulgence  during  hours  of  work ;  this  is  likewise  true 
of  cooks  and  waiters.  On  the  other  hand,  the  reason 
why  printers,  painters,  iron  and  steel  workers,  and 
others  should  hanker  so  much  after  alcoholic  beverages 
is  probably  patent  to  all  familiar  in  some  degree  with 
the  conditions  under  which  they  work,  or  the  direct 
effect  of  their  occupations  on  the  human  organism. 
Some  trades  in  which  the  actual  need  of  stimulants  is 
most  apparent,  for  instance  the  potter's  and  hatter's, 
are  not  represented  in  our  tables.  Quite  recently 
public  attention  has  been  drawn  to  the  pitiable  plight 
of  the  workers  in  the  Staffordshire  potteries  in  Eng- 
land, to  whom  alcohol  as  an  antidote  to  the  poisons 
which  so  quickly  destroy  vitality  and  torture  the  body 
seems  almost  a  necessity,  or  at  least  a  help  to  gain  for 
the  moment  forgetfulness  of  their  sufferings. 


108  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

The  relations  of  occupations  to  the  liquor  habit  as 
shown  in  our  summaries  are,  on  the  whole,  in  conformity 
with  the  experience  of  observers  and  students.  Our 
classification  of  occupations  has  necessarily  been  made 
somewhat  broad,  in  order  not  to  extend  the  list  too  far. 
Thus,  under  the  head  of  carpenters  are  included  wood 
.  workers  of  all  kinds,  among  leather  workers  are  num- 
bered shoemakers,  a  few  tanners,  etc.  Taking  the  ten 
occupations  showing  the  heaviest  percentages  of  drink- 
ers, we  get  the  following  order:  (1)  saloon-keepers, 
including  bar-tenders,  84.62  per  cent. ;  (2)  sailors, 
58.12  per  cent. ;  (3)  butchers,  57.41  per  cent. ;  (4) 
printers,  55.88  per  cent;  (5)  iron  and  steel  workers, 
55.56  per  cent. ;  (6)  teamsters,  53.20  per  cent.  ;  (7) 
cooks  and  waiters,  50.85  per  cent. ;  (8)  machinists, 
50.82  "per  cent.;  (9)  masons,  47.12  per  cent.;  (10) 
painters,  46.12  per  cent. 

Exclusive  of  the  saloon-keepers,  the  difference  in 
percentages  is  not  so  marked  as  the  unequal  represen- 
tation of  the  occupations  would  lead  one  to  expect. 
Nevertheless,  we  confess  to  being  unable  to  advance 
a  satisfactory  reason  for  such  a  percentage  as  that 
attributed  to  the  butchers.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
general  trustworthiness  of  the  table  is  fully  supported 
by  the  figures  for  the  occupations  showing  the  least 
intemperance.  At  the  bottom  of  the  list,  and  only  a 
step  above  the  professional  class,  stand  railroad  em- 
ployees, with  31.25  per  cent.,  a  class  whose  tenure  of 
position  as  well  as  ability  to  get  employment  depends 
upon  their  sobriety.  Just  above  the  i*ailroad  men 
come  the  farmers,  with  33.20  per  cent. ;  and  it  is  a 
matter  of  common  knowledge  that  while  farmers  are 


Su.MMAKY  VII  a.    Pauperism  in  Almshouses  as  affected  by  the  Personal 
Use  of  Intoxicating  Liquors,  by  Occupations  (Males). 


Condition  due 

Condition  not 
due    to   per- 
sonal use  of 
liquor. 

Cause  of  con- 

to     personal 
use  of  liquor. 

dition  not  re- 
ported. 

Total. 

OCCTIPATIONS   PBEVIO0S 

TO  ADMISSION   TO   IN- 

STITUTIONS. 

tH 

*i 

t; 

^ 

c 

.J 

^^ 

^ 

<D 

7i 

J2 

J 

x> 

.a 

a 

3 

oj 

3 

u 

a 

« 
u 

a 

|Z! 

Oh 

jI 

£ 

■^ 

& 

& 

Cm 

Bakers. 

21 

34.43 

39 

63.93 

1 

1.64 

61 

1.17 

Barbers. 

11 

44.00 

14 

5(i.00 

- 

- 

25 

0.48 

Blacksmiths. 

61 

44.85 

74 

54.41 

1 

0.74 

136 

2.60 

Butchers. 

31 

57.41 

22 

40.74 

1 

1.85 

54 

1.03 

Carpenters. 

100 

42.02 

135 

56.72 

3 

1.26 

238 

4.56 

Cigar  makers. 

9 

42.86 

12 

57.14 

- 

- 

21 

0.40 

Clerks. 

46 

42.59 

60 

55.56 

2 

1.85 

108 

2.07 

Clothing-  makers. 

4S 

40.68 

67 

56.78 

o 

2.54 

118 

2.24 

Cooks  and  waiters. 

30 

50.85 

28 

47.46 

1 

1.69 

59 

1.13 

Engineers         and 

Firemen. 

24 

44.44 

30 

55.56 

_ 

_ 

54 

1.03 

Farmers. 

84 

33.20 

163 

64.43 

6 

2.37 

253 

4.84 

Ii-on     and     Steel 

workers. 

65 

55.56 

49 

41.88 

3 

2.56 

117 

2.24 

Laborers. 

107G 

44.(j8 

1242 

51.58 

90 

3.74 

2408 

46.09 

Leather  workers. 

77 

44.00 

96 

54.86 

2 

1.14 

175 

3.35 

Machinists. 

31 

50.82 

3(J 

49.18 

- 

- 

61 

1.17 

Masons. 

49 

47.12 

55 

52.88 

- 

- 

104 

1.99 

Merchants. 

21 

45.65 

25 

54.35 

- 

- 

46 

0.88 

Mill  operatives. 

65 

43.33 

82 

54.67 

3 

2.00 

150 

2.87 

Painters. 

61 

46.21 

69 

52.27 

2 

1.52 

132 

2.53 

Pedlers. 

19 

37.26 

31 

60.78 

1 

1.96 

51 

0.98 

Printers. 

19 

55.88 

15 

44.12 

- 

_ 

34 

0.65 

Professional. 

12 

29.27 

28 

68.29 

1 

2.44 

41 

0.78 

Railroad   employ- 

ees. 

10 

31.25 

22 

68.75 

- 

- 

32 

0.61 

Sailors. 

68 

58.12 

46 

39.32 

3 

2.56 

117 

2.24 

Saloon  keepers. 

33 

84.62 

6 

15.38 

- 

- 

39 

0.75 

Teamsters. 

83 

.53.20 

68 

43.59 

5 

3.21 

156 

2.99 

Unclassified.^ 

67 

27.02 

106 

42.74 

75 

30.24 

248 

4.75 

No  occupation. 

15 

8.02 

148 

79.15 

24 

12.83 

187 

3.58 

Total. 

2236 

42.79 

2762 

52.86 

227 

4.35 

5225 

100. 

1  Includes  186  from  Marion  County,  Ind.,  for  which  institution  the  occupations 
were  not  reported. 


110 


THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 


often  given  to  over-indulgence  in  liquor,  comparatively 
few  are  habitual  drunkards.  It  is  interesting  to  note 
that  46.09  per  cent,  of  all  the  male  paupers  are  un- 
skilled laborers,  with  about  8  per  cent,  not  classifiQd 
or  without  occupations. 

The  disparity  of  the  totals  of  females  engaged  in 
the  different  occupations  is  sufficient  to  impair  some- 
what the  value  of  the  percentages  of  drink.  That  the 
clerks  show  relatively  the  greatest  degree  of  intemper- 
ance must  be  regarded  as  merely  accidental,  and  unre- 
lated to  their  occupation.  Four  of  the  six  clerks  had 
led  immoral  lives,  though  they  could  not  be  classed  as 


SUMMARY  VII 6. 

PAUPERISM   Df   ALMSHOUSES  AS  AFFECTED   BY   THE   PERSONAL   USB  OF 
INTOXICATING   LIQUORS,    BY    OCCUPATIONS  (FEMALES). 


OCCtrPATIONS   PREVIOUS 

Condition  due 
to      personal 
use  of  liquor. 

Condition  not 
due    to   per- 
sonal use   of 
liquor. 

Cause  of  con- 
dition not  re- 
ported. 

Total. 

TO  ADMISSION   TO   IN- 

STITUTIONS. 

a 

3 

a 

t4 

a 

a 

3 

B 
O 

u 

(2 

u 

.S 

a 

3 
IZi 

1 

Pi 

Clerks. 

6 

.37.50 

10 

62.50 

_ 

16 

0.50 

Cooks. 

19 

36.54 

33 

63.46 

- 

- 

52 

1.63 

Domestics. 

354 

19.68 

1339 

74.43 

106 

5.89 

1799 

56.31 

Housewives. 

67 

9.44 

600 

84.51 

43 

6.05 

710 

22.22 

Laundresses. 

6 

30.00 

14 

70.00 

- 

- 

20 

0.62 

Mill  operatives. 
Professional. 

28 
1 

24.78 
7.69 

80 
12 

70.80 
92.31 

5 

4.42 

113 
13 

3.54 
0.41 

Seamstresses. 

14 

12.61 

94 

84.69 

3 

2.70 

111 

3.47 

Unclassified.^ 

24 

16..55 

88 

60.69 

33 

22.76 

145 

4.54 

No  occupation. 

10 

4.63 

175 

81.02 

31 

14.35 

216 

6.76 

Total. 

529 

16.56 

2445 

76.53 

221 

6.91 

3195 

100. 

1  Includes  54  from  Marion  County,  lud.,  for  which  institution  the  occupations 
were  not  reported. 


RELATIONS  TO  PAUPERISM.  Ill 

common  prostitutes.  No  evidence  of  this  kind  was 
presented  regarding  the  cooks.  The  markedly  dispro- 
portionate relation  of  domestics  and  housewives  to  the 
liquor  habit  is  not  startling.  Again,  we  find  not  a  few 
women  reported  to  be  unchaste  among  the  domestics. 
Moreover,  the  question  here  is  merely  of  personal  in- 
temperance. A  large  percentage  of  the  housewives 
owe  their  condition  to  drink,  but  not  directly,  and  on 
this  point  the  present  table  is  silent.  The  number  of 
women  classed  as  housewives  is  probably  lower  than  it 
should  be.  It  was  the  purpose  to  have  all  but  spin- 
sters classed  as  housewives,  whether  or  not  the  latter 
for  any. reason  had  been  employed  as  domestics  after 
marriage.  Some  confusion  on  this  point  was  visible  in 
the  schedules. 

That  mill  operatives  should  appear  less  temperate 
than  domestics  conforms  to  experience.  In  general, 
the  very  nature  of  the  female  occupations  given  pre- 
cludes the  possibility  of  showing  definitely  their  rela- 
tion to  the  drink  habit ;  it  would  at  least  require  a 
much  more  exhaustive  study  than  ours  to  arrive  at 
final  conclusions. 

5.  By  Nativity  of  Paupers  and  Parent  Nativity. 

Like  the  applicants  for  charity,  the  paupers  who  fill 
our  institutions  are  gathered  from  many  climes  and 
nationalities.  From  every  European  country,  from 
South  America,  Africa,  Asia,  and  Australia,  they  have 
come  only  to  spend  their  last  years  as  charges  upon 
the  bounty  of  people  whose  speech  some  of  them  do 
not  even  understand.  Less  than  one  fourth  of  the 
8420  paupers  are  American  born.     The  percentage  of 


112  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

those  of  unknown  parentage,  both  as  to  father  and 
mother,  is  somewhat  larger  than  among  applicants  for 
relief,  and  it  is  fair  to  assume  that,  could  the  facts  be 
learned,  we  should  probably  find  that  less  than  a  fifth 
of  all  paupers  are  of  American  origin. 

Again  we  attain  the  fairest  view  of  the  question  of 
nationality  as  related  to  drink  when  the  personal  use 
of  liquor  is  considered.  From  Summary  VIII.  we 
learn  that  29.31  per  cent,  of  native-born  paupers  have 
become  dependent  through  drink,  but  from  Summary 
IX.  that  the  same  cause  has  been  operative  in  but 
26.30  per  cent,  of  paupers  of  full  native  parentage. 
This  is  an  almost  exact  reproduction  of  the  conditions 
we  found  to  exist  among  applicants  for  relief,  with  the 
difference  that  in  the  present  case  all  percentages  of 
drink  run  higher.  So,  too,  when  we  rank  all  nationali- 
ties according  to  the  extent  to  which  personal  intemper- 
ance occurs  as  the  cause  of  pauperism,  we  get  almost 
an  exact  duplicate  of  the  order  in  which  w^e  found  the 
nationalities  of  applicants  for  relief ;  namely,  the  fol-. 
lowing :  (1)  Irish,  40.76  per  cent. ;  (2)  Scotch,  39.19 
per  cent. ;  (3)  English,  39.12  per  cent.  ;  (4)  Cana- 
dian, 32.67  per  cent.  ;  (5)  Scandinavian,  27.62  per 
cent. ;  (6)  American,  26.30  per  cent. ;  (7)  German, 
25.00  per  cent. ;  (8)  Austrian,  13.95  per  cent. ;  (9) 
Polish,  12.96  per  cent.  ;  (10)  Italian,  9.09  per  cent. 
If  we  consider  as  American  all  native  born,  regardless 
of  the  fact  that  perhaps  half  of  them  are  of  foreign  ex- 
traction, the  American  nationality  advances  one  place 
in  our  list  and  ranks  above  the  Scandinavian,  jare- 
cisely  as  in  the  table  for  applicants  for  relief.  Indeed, 
■were  it  not   that   the   English   and   Canadians   have 


RELATIONS   TO   PAUPERISM.  113 

exchanged  places  as  have  likewise  the  Austrians  and 
Poles,  the  rank  of  the  nationalities  would  be  identical. 
The  Canadians  would  probably  be  found  in  the  same 
place  as  in  chapter  ii.,  excej)t  for  the  circumstance 
that  of  the  Canadian-born  paupers  an  unusual  propor- 
tion were  females,  a  fact  reflected  in  the  percentage 
In  division  4  of  Summary  VIII.  The  total  number  of 
Polish  paupers  is  so  small  as  to  make  inferences  less 
trustworthy.  It  should  be  observed,  however,  that  the 
difference  between  the  percentages  attributed  to  the 
nationalities  is  much  smaller  than  in  Summary  V., 
chapter  ii. 

How  closely  the  statistics  relative  to  applicants  for 
relief  and  paupers  in  respect  to  nationality  correspond 
is  further  apparent  when  we  consider  pauperism  as 
induced  by  the  intemperate  habits  of  parents  of  pau- 
pers. Here  also  the  native  born  show  a  percentage 
second  only  to  that  of  the  Scotch.  But  the  latter  is 
accidental,  for  of  the  7  persons  of  Scotch  birth  in 
question,  4  were  children  of  the  same  parents.  Elimi- 
nating the  native  born  of  foreign  parentage,  the  per- 
centage of  native  born  of  native  joarentage  who  have 
become  paupers  through  the  parental  liquor  habit 
drops  from  5.14  to  3.91  per  cent.  As  with  applicants 
for  relief,  it  was  only  possible  to  learn  the  effects  of 
parental  intemperance  in  the  case  of  j^auper  children. 
The  whole  number  of  paupers  under  20  years  of  age 
being  but  220,  or  less  than  3  per  cent,  of  the  total 
number,  our  percentages  for  most  countries  become  of 
uncertain  value. 

In  the  fourth  division  of  Summary  VIII.,  "  Condition 
due  to  the  intemperate  habits  of  others,"  the  Canadian 


i^s 
^ 


^ 


•siadn^d  i^^ox 

3036 
36.06 

432 
5.13 

74 

0.88 

2954 
35.08 

150 
1.78 

•papod 
-9J  ;oa    uoi^ipuoa    jo   ostiBO 

194 
6..39 

13 

3.00 

1..35 

113 

3.82 

4.00 

■sjtaitjo  JO  'sunipJBiiS  's^na 
-jBd    'aadnud   jo    s^iquii    a^B 
-aadma^ui  o^  aup  ;ou  uoi^ipiioo 

1781 
58.66 

243 
56.25 

40 
54.05 

1525 
51.63 

82 
54.67 

•sjaino  JO  'suBipjunS 
'g^naj^d    'jadnud    jo    s^iqiin 
a^HJjadnia^ui   o;   aup   noi^ipaog 

1061 
34.95 

176 
40.75 

33 
44.60 

1316 
44.55 

62 
41.33 

•pa^jod 
-aj  %oa  noi^ipuoo   jo   astiBO 

936 
30.83 

121 

28.01 

12 
16.22 

660 
22.34 

27 
18.00 

•snBipjBiiS  JO  s^naJBd 
^on  'sjamo  JO  s^jiqun  a^ijjad 
-raa^ui  0^  anp  ^ou  uoiciipnoa 

1966 
64.76 

294 
68.06 

55 
74.32 

2099 
71.06 

105 
70.00 

■sueipjBnS  JO  s^na 
-jBd  ion  'saamo   jo  s^iquq 
a^ujadtua^m  o^  anp  no^ipaoo 

1.34 
4.41 

17 
3.93 

9.46 

195 
6.60 

18 
12.00 

•pa^jod 
-aj  ^ou   no!:t!pno3    jo    asnug 

1071 
35.28 

138 
31.94 

12 
16.22 

769 
26.03 

40 
26.67 

•snuipiBiiS  ifSat 
JO  XBJnjBH  JO  sqiiqtjq  a^cjad 
-nia:>u!  o^  anp  ^on  noi^ipnoo 

1953 
64.33 

294 
68.06 

62 

83.78 

2176 
73.66 

110 
73.33 

•suBipjenS 
luSat  JO  I'Bin^Bn   jo   s^iq'Bq 
ajBjadtuajtn  oj  anp  noi^ipuoo 

(MO                                                       O^ 
1-1  CO                  II             II                 CO           1      1 
O                                                    (O 

•pajjod 
-aj   }on  noi^ipnoo   jo  asmjo 

1017 
33.50 

1.36 
31.48 

8 
10.81 

799 
27.05 

39 
26.00 

•s^uajBd 
moq  JO  ano  jo  s^iqcq  a^ujad 
-Tna^ni  o^  anp  ^ou  uoi^ipnoo 

1863 
61.36 

288 
66.67 

59 
79.73 

2047 
69.29 

107 
71.33 

•g^na 
-jBd  qioq  JO  ano  jo  sjiqBq 
a^Bjadma^nj  o^  anp  nojiipuog 

0-*             coo       t-O       ooo       •'Itt- 

0.-I  CO  ^  OO  o 
'"'  o                i-<           ci      '"'oo           ci 

•pa^jod 
-aj   5on  noi^ipuoa    jo    98t\bo 

t-O  CO  ^  1-1  o  o  O  t-O 
O  -*             1-1  O             CO       ^  00             o 

'"'o              CO          i-i      '"'co          ^ 

•jonbix  JO  asn 
l^nosjad  o}  eiip  ;ou  nonipnoo 

1949 
64.20 

250 

57.87 

44 
59.46 

1635 
55.35 

94 

62.67 

■jonbn  JO 
9sn  iBnosjad  o;  anp  noi^jpnoo 

890 
29.31 

169 
39.12 

29 
39.19 

1204 
40.76 

49 
32.67 

0 

H 

> 

Native  born.      Number. 
Per  cent. 

Foreign  born. 
England.          Number. 
Per  cent. 

Scotland.          Number. 
Per  cent. 

Ireland.            Number. 
Per  cent. 

Canada.            Number. 
Per  cent. 

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■ps^jod 
.  -01  ^on   aoijjpuoo    jo  asnuQ 

101 
5.64 

307 
4.99 

32 
12.12 

"sjan^to  JO  'snBipjunS 
's^najBd  'jadired  jo  s^iquq  9iB 
-aadTua^ui  o;  anp  ^ou  uoi^ipuoo 

1134 

63.32 

3432 

55.80 

176 
66.67 

46 
59.74 

■sjaino  JO  'suBipjiinS 
'sitiajBd  'jadnijd  jo   sjiqvq 
9!}njadni9;u!  o^  anp  noiiipnog 

556 
31.04 

2412 
39.21 

56 
21.21 

31 
40.26 

•pa^jod 
-8J  ^on  uoi^ipuoD    JO  asn^o 

511 
28.53 

1529 

24.8(5 

ISO 
68.18 

14 

18.18 

■sireTpjunS  JO  s^uajed 
^on  'sjat^o  JO  s;iqm[  a^Bjad 
-ma^ni  o^  anp  ^ou  noi^ipnoo 

1207 
67.39 

4264 
69.32 

81 
30.68 

60 
77.92 

sneipjunS  jo  s;na 
-jBd  !}on  'saaq:to  jo  s^jiq^q 
aiBjadiua^ui  o%  anp  noi^ipnog 

coco              COCN              CO^              COO 
1:-  O                 Lt  aj                        rH                        Ci 

T}i                 "^^  O                        i-i                        CO 

•pajjod 
-9J  ^on   noi^ipuoa    jo  asnco 

587 
32.77 

1801 
29.28 

189 
71.59 

18 
23.38 

•suEipjBiiS  |E3ai 
JO  [BjniBn  JO  s^iquq  a^ujad 
-raa^ut  0%  anp  ^on  uojiipnoQ 

1199 
66.95 

4333 
70.44 

75 
28.41 

59 

76.62 

•sntjipjunS 
X^Sai   JO   iBjn:}Bn  jo  s^iquq 
a^Bjadiua^u;  o;  anp  noijipnog 

IC  CO              t-  CO 

(M               1-1  CM                  II                   II 

d             d 

•pa^jod 
-aj  ^on  noiiipuoa    jo   asnEO 

556 
31.04 

1796 
29.20 

189 
71.59 

14 
18.18 

•s^najBd 
moq  JO  8no  JO  s^iq^q  a^ujad 
-ttia^ui  0^  anp  !>on  uonipnoo 

1165 
65.05 

4157 
67.58 

70 
26.52 

52 
67.53 

•s^na 
-JBd  q^oq  JO  ano  jo  s^iqcq 
a^c.iadraaini  0}  anp  noiiipuoo 

70 
3.91 

198 

3.22 

1.89 

11 

14.29 

•pajjod 
-aj   lou  nojiipuoo    jo  asn^o 

101 
5.64 

315 
5.12 

32 
12.12 

•jonbq  JO  asn 
I'Bnosjad  o^  anp  iou  noiiipnoo 

1219 
68.06 

3662 
59.54 

182 
68.94 

53 
68.83 

•jonbii  JO 
asn  ^Enosjed  o^  anp  noijipuoo 

471 
26.30 

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35.34 

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118  THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

pauper,  like  his  fellow  countryman  applying  for  relief, 
holds  first  place,  followed  by  the  Scotch,  Irish,  Scan- 
dinavian, German,  and  American,  in  the  order  named, 
an  order  slightly  differing  from  the  one  observed  in 
the  preceding  chapter.  The  test  of  nationality,  as  we 
have  already  pointed  out,  is  not  so  reliable  under  this 
head,  since  the  origin  of  the  person  whose  intemper- 
ance is  at  fault  does  not  appear.  We  have  found  also 
among  paupers  a  much  larger  percentage  of  males 
whose  condition  is  chargeable  to  the  intemperance  of 
others  than  among  applicants  for  charity.  Here,  then, 
it  does  not  so  generally  appear  to  be  the  conjugal 
relations  which  are  affected  by  the  liquor  habit.  Of 
the  histories  of  paupers  beyond  what  the  tabulated 
statistics  tell  us,  we  know  very  little.  For  reasons 
advanced  above.  Summary  IX.  shows  but  a  slight  dif- 
ference between  the  percentages  of  paupers  of  native 
parentage  who  have  become  destitute  through  the  in- 
temperate habits  of  others  and  the  corresponding  per- 
centage of  native-born  paupers.  But  as  among  appli- 
cants for  private  charity,  so  the  paupers  of  foreign 
extraction  yield  a  larger  percentage  of  persons  whose 
condition  is  due  to  the  intemperate  habits  of  others 
than  paupers  of  native  parentage  ;  and  this  is  a  point 
of  great  interest. 

In  the  last  division  of  Summary  VIII.,  which  sums 
up  intemperance  as  a  direct  and  indirect  cause  of  want, 
the  important  changes  in  the  order  of  nationalities  are 
easily  understood  in  the  light  of  the  explanations 
already  given.  Thus,  the  fact  that  the  Scotch  take 
first  rank,  superseding  the  Irish,  is,  of  course,  due  to 
the  unusual  percentage  attributed  to  the  Scotch  in  the 


RELATIONS   TO   PAUPERISM.  119 

column  "  Condition  due  to  the  intemperate  habits  of 
one  or  both  parents." 

What  we  said  about  the  groups  of  applicants  for  pri- 
vate charity  of  mixed  or  partly  unknown  parentage 
applies  generally  to  tlie  corresponding  groups  of  pau- 
pers in  Summary  IX.  It  is  striking  that,  as  in  the 
preceding  chapter,  the  largest  percentage  of  intemper- 
ance is  found  in  the  group  "  Father  foreign,  mother 
native." 

6.  By  Political  Condition. 
The  features  developed  in  our  statistics  showing  the 
relation  of  paupers  to  drink  by  political  condition  co- 
incide so  fully  with  the  corresponding  facts  concerning 
applicants  for  relief  that  to  analyze  them  is  practically 
to  repeat  statements  made  in  the  previous  chapter. 
Again  we  find  the  percentage  of  persons  whose  condi- 
tion is  due  to  personal  intemperance  much  smaller 
among  the  citizen  born  and  aliens  than  among  the  nat- 
uralized, which  is  in  harmony  with  the  two  preceding 
summaries.  That  naturalized  paupers  appear  nearly 
twice  as  intemperate  as  the  alien  is  explained  by  the 
fact  that  the  representatives  of  the  hardest-drinking 
nationalities,  Irish,  Scotch,  Canadians,  etc.,  are  the  first 
to  acquire  citizenship  ;  the  larger  part  of  the  aliens 
come  from  more  temperate  nationalities,  which  are 
slower  in  naturalizing.  A  majority  of  those  whose  po- 
litical condition  is  unknown  belong  to  English-speak- 
ing races.  Exact  data  with  regard  to  the  latter  would 
probably  result  in  increasing  to  a  perceptible  degi-ee 
the  percentage  of  intemperance  falling  to  the  share  of 
naturalized  paupers. 


120  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

Among  applicants  for  relief,  the  largest  percentage 
of  persons  whose  condition  is  clue  to  the  intemperate 
habits  of  others  was  attributed  to  the  aliens.  This  is 
not  true  of  paupers,  for  here  those  whose  political 
condition  is  unknown  come  conspicuously  to  the  fore. 
This  is  natural,  since  females  contribute  the  greatest 
number  to  the  percentage  in  question,  and  it  was  fre- 
quently impossible  to  discover  the  political  condition 
of  female  paupers.  They  could  often  give  little  infor- 
mation themselves,  and  there  was  no  other  opportunity 
for  ascertaining  the  facts. 

Our  efforts  to  secure  information  about  the  liquor 
habits  of  the  parents  of  paupers,  in  the  hope  that  it 
might  be  possible  to  trace  the  hereditary  effects  of  in- 
temperance, resulted  in  statistics  too  fragmentary  to  be 
of  value.  Although  willing  to  tell  their  own  histories, 
paupers  were  often  reticent  about  their  parents,  and 
especially  averse  to  saying  anything  derogatory  about 
their  mothers.  In  very  many  cases  they  had  forgotten 
or  never  knew  the  facts  wanted.  We  were  impressed, 
however,  by  the  number  of  intemperate  paupers  who 
declared  that  the  father  had  been  an  habitual  drinker. 

We  have  found  the  general  average  percentage  of 
pauperism  due  directly  or  indirectly  to  drink  to  be 
37.05  per  cent.,  with  5.23  per  cent,  of  the  total  number 
of  cases  unaccounted  for.  We  say  of  this  average,  as 
of  the  corresponding  one  in  the  previous  chapter,  that 
it  simply  stands  for  such  approximate  expression  of 
the  truth  as  a  careful  and  somewhat  extensive  statisti- 
cal study  yields. 

The  averages  obtained  for  single  institutions  (Appen- 
dix Table  XI.,  Pauperism)  show,  on  the  whole,  unim- 


-sagdniid  ib^oj 


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-+  Ci          ox           0   M           .-H  r-1 

Ci  CO      1—  0      t- 1-      a  CM 

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OCO 

•sjamo  JO  'sireipjunS 
's^naaijd  'aadiwd  jo  S4iqui{  a^u 
-jaduia^ui  o;  anp  ;ou  uonipuoo 

1781 

58.66 

1579 

51.48 

899 
67.64 

601 
60.83 

0  CM 

O'l- 
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1061 
34.95 

1409 
45.94 

354 
26.64 

296 
29.96 

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930 
30.83 

710 
23.34 

379 

28.52 

230 
23.28 

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1071 
35.28 

821 
26.77 

449 
33.78 

287 
29.05 

CM  CM 

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1017 
33.50 

800 
26.09 

436 
32.81 

328 
33.20 

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1863 
61.36 

2170 
70.75 

856 
64.41 

647 
65.49 

o»o 

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588 

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-JBd  moq  JO  ano  jo  s^iq^q 
aiBjadiaaiui  01  anp  uoiijpnoo 

156 
5.14 

97 
3.16 

37 

2.78 

13 
1.31 

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1949 
64.20 

1654 
53.93 

943 
70.96 

661 
66.90 

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122  THE   LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

portant  divergences  from  the  general  average.  For 
the  most  part  they  must  be  ascribed  to  the  diversity 
of  local  conditions,  for  it  must  be  remembered  that  our 
statistics  embrace  returns  from  rural  almshouses  and 
small  and  large  city  institutions  in  no  less  than  a 
dozen  States. 

The  comparatively  low  percentage  of  intemperance 
given  for  the  Cook  County,  111.,  almshouse,  can  proba- 
bly be  ascribed  to  the  fact  that  many  inmates  of  the 
hospital  connected  with  that  institution  were  included. 
By  no  means  all  of  the  patients  are  true  paupers,  but 
go  to  work  again  when  they  have  recovered  sufficiently 
under  the  free  treatment. 

That  the  cause  of  the  condition  of  more  than  38  per 
cent,  of  the  inmates  of  the  Marion  County,  Ind.,  insti- 
tution is  not  reported  accounts  for  the  unexpectedly 
low  percentage  of  intemperance  among  its  paupers. 

The  almshouses  in  Morris  County,  N.  J.,  as  well  as 
the  infirmaries  of  Jackson  and  Union  counties,  Ohio, 
are  strictly  rural  affairs,  hence,  as  a  matter  of  course, 
do  not  house  so  many  drunkards. 

The  Allegheny  City  Home  is  in  a  sense  an  asylum 
for  the  worthy  aged  and  infirm,  but  we  confess  that 
the  amount  of  intemperance  is  smaller  than  we  believe 
a  more  searching  inquiry  might  disclose. 

In  a  number  of  almshouses  the  aggregate  is  so  small 
that  the  value  of  the  averages  of  intemperance  may 
fairly  be  questioned. 

About  three  years  ago  the  Massachusetts  Bureau  of 
Labor  Statistics  undertook  an  investigation  of  the  rela- 
tions of  pauperism  to  drink  on  practically  the  same 
lines  as  ours.     The  results  of  the  inquiry,  which  was 


RELATIONS   TO   PAUPERISM.  123 

limited  to  pauper  institutions  in  Massachusetts,  foi-ni 
a  part  of  the  26th  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau. 
Pauperism  is  shown  to  have  been  caused  (1)  by  the 
personal  use  of  liquor  in  39.44  per  cent,  of  the  3230 
cases  as  against  our  32.84  per  cent. ;  (2)  by  the  in- 
temperate habits  of  parents  in  4.82  per  cent,  against 
our  3.60  per  cent.  ;  (3)  by  the  intemperate  habits  of 
guardians  in  1.45  per  cent,  against  our  0.27  per  cent. ; 
and  (4)  by  the  intemperate  habits  of  others  not  par- 
ents or  guardians  in  3.06  per  cent,  against  our  5.31 
per  cent.  It  would  have  been  surprising  to  discover  a 
greater  correspondence  between  these  two  sets  of  fig- 
ures, for  the  one  represents  the  returns  from  a  single 
State,  the  other,  twice  the  number  of  paupers  in  insti- 
tutions scattered  over  twelve  States  and,  therefore, 
embracing  a  greater  variety  of  local  conditions. 

The  Massachusetts  report  presents  no  general  aver- 
age percentage  of  pauperism  due  directly  and  indirectly 
to  drink ;  neither  is  it  possible  to  draw  one  from  the 
data  at  hand,  since  no  aggregate  is  given  from  which 
have  been  eliminated  persons  pauperized  in  more  than 
one  way  through  drink.  No  other  extended  investiga- 
tion of  this  kind  has  been  made  in  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Charles  Booth  found  12.6  per  cent,  of  634  in- 
mates of  the  workhouse  at  Stepney,  London,  to  have 
been  pauperized  by  drink,  and  21.9  per  cent,  of  736 
cases  at  the  St.  Pancras  workhouse.  Mr.  Booth  says 
that  the  proportion  of  intemperance  found  at  Stepney 
"  is  less  than  might  have  been  expected,  and  it  is  prob- 
able that  closer  research  into  the  circumstances  and 
history  of  these  people,  if  it  coidd  be  made,  might  dis- 
close a  greater  connection  than  here  appears  between 


124  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

pauperism  and  the  public  house  "  (Pauperism,  p.  11). 
Whether,  if  the  same  methods  of  investigation  had 
been  employed,  the  discrepancy  between  Mr.  Booth's 
figures  and  ours  would  not  in  large  part  disappear  is 
perhaps  an  open  question. 

Still  smaller  than  the  English  are  the  German  fig- 
ures. The  investigation  made  by  the  German  Impe- 
rial Statistical  Bureau  in  1885  stated  that  only  in  2.1 
per  cent,  of  1,367,347  cases  was  pauperism  caused 
by  drink.  Dr.  Bohmert  in  his  study  of  77  German 
cities  found  only  1.3  per  cent.  The  pauper  statistics 
from  Magdeburg,  of  1895,  deal  with  4  cases  of  in- 
temperance among  2260  permanent  paupers.  Among 
the  poor  and  paupers  of  Stuttgart,  Dr.  H.  Rettich 
(1898)  finds  0.09  per  cent,  of  2164  males  to  have 
become  dependent  through  drink,  and  among  1505 
females  not  a  single  one.  The  Austrian  statistics  are 
on  a  line  with  the  German.  Thus  in  Steiermark 
(1894)  the  average  percentage  of  intemperance  as  a 
cause  of  pauperism  for  3139  persons  is  1.99.  In  the 
Mittelland,  however,  it  rises  to  3.07. 

In  remarkable  contrast  to  these  figures  is  the  state- 
ment that  among  44,539  inmates  of  the  German  Ar- 
heiterkolonien  (1882-1891),  it  could  be  said  of  only  23 
per  cent,  that  their  condition  had  no  relation  to  the 
use  of  alcoholics. 

The  drink  statistics  of  the  German  Imperial  Statis- 
tical Bureau  have  never  been  accepted  as  authorita- 
tive. On  the  contrary,  especially  so  far  as  details  are 
concerned,  its  results  have  been  characterized  as  worth- 
less. It  is  certainly  unexpected  to  find  only  0.3  per 
cent,  of  drink  in  the  city  of  Berlin,  but  3.9  per  cent. 


RELATIONS   TO   PAUPERISM.  125 

in  the  province  of  Hanover  and  8.37  per  cent,  in  the 
district  Bautzen.  And  it  seems  no  more  credible 
that  the  rest  of  the  German  statistics  have  properly 
determined  the  relations  of  pauperism  to  drink.  Un- 
like ours,  the  German  statistics  are  based  on  official 
records  and  not  upon  original  investigations.  We 
know  also  that  there  is  unwonted  strictness  in  the 
German  method  of  granting  relief,  and  a  disinclination 
to  help  those  who  because  of  drunkenness  deserve 
punishment.  Unless  compelled  to  do  so,  the  German 
applicant  for  relief  and  pauper  are  generally  prone  to 
ascribe  their  condition  to  other  causes  than  drink.  A 
fair  comparison  of  the  German  and  American  statistics 
thus  becomes  impossible. 

We  may  fittingly  close  this  chapter  with  the  words 
of  Mr.  Booth,  than  whom  no  one  speaks  with  greater 
authority  :  — 

"  Of  drink  in  all  its  combinations,  adding  to  every 
trouble,  undermining  every  effort  after  good,  destroy- 
ing the  homes,  and  cursing  the  young  lives  of  the 
children,  the  stories  tell  enough.  It  does  not  stand 
as  apparent  chief  cause  in  as  many  cases  as  sickness 
and  old  age  ;  but  if  it  were  not  for  the  drink,  sickness 
and  old  age  could  be  better  met.  Drink  must  there- 
fore be  accounted  the  most  prolific  of  all  causes ;  and 
it  is  the  least  necessary."  (Pauperism,  pp.  140, 
141.) 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE    LIQUOR    PROBLEM    IN    ITS    RELATIONS    TO      THE 
DESTITUTION   AND   NEGLECT    OF    CHILDREN. 

The  applicants  for  charity,  paupers,  and  criminals, 
whom  our  statistics  show  to  have  become  burdens 
upon  the  community  directly  or  indirectly  through 
drink,  form  together  an  army  more  than  17,000 
strong.  How  many  of  these  have  brought  other  be- 
ings into  the  world  to  share  in  large  part  their  misery 
and  to  suffer  under  it,  we  know  not.  Making  every 
allowance  demanded  by  the  schedules,  it  may  safely  be 
held  that  a  majority  of  this  multitude  at  some  time 
have  been  or  are  fathers  and  mothers.  And  though 
ignorant  of  the  number  of  their  progeny,  we  are  very 
far  from  drawing  on  our  imagination  in  saying  that 
for  each  family  represented  among  the  17,000,  at  least 
two  children,  offsprings  of  that  family,  have  felt  the 
curse  of  the  liquor  habit  at  some  time  in  their  lives. 

What  need,  then,  it  may  be  asked,  of  searching 
deeper  into  the  relation  of  drink  to  the  destitution  and 
neglect  of  children,  since  it  appears  to  be  in  some  ratio 
to  the  dependants  who  have  become  such  through  in- 
temperance ?  In  the  first  place,  we  do  not  know  the 
proportion  of  children  having  drunken  paupers  or 
criminals  for  parents  who  become  dependent  from  this 
cause.     By  no  means  all  become  thus  dependent ;  this 


RELATIONS  TO  DESTITUTION  OF  CHILDREN.     127 

much  we  know,  for  in  not  a  few  instances  such  chil- 
dren are  able  to  shift  for  themselves  before  their 
parents  become  public  charges.  Moreover,  some  in- 
temperate parents,  who  are  not  applicants  for  aid  or 
paupers  or  criminals,  neglect  or  abuse  their  children 
in  such  manner  that  charity  must  extend  her  hand  to 
the  innocent  ones. 

A  special  investigation  showing  how  much  of  the 
neglect  of  children,  both  moral  and  physical,  is  due  to 
the  drink  habits  of  their  parents  or  others  is  therefore, 
as  we  intimated  in  the  Introduction,  strictly  legitimate. 
We  obtained  our  data  from  what  may  be  considered 
three  fairly  distinct  sources :  (1)  Societies  for  the  pre- 
vention of  cruelty  to  children  or  humane  societies, 
which  deal  chiefly  with  children  of  the  lowest  and 
least  responsible  classes ;  (2)  state  organizations  of 
the  National  Children's  Home  Society,  under  whose 
treatment  come  a  large  number  of  illegitimate  infants ; 
(3)  two  state  public  schools,  which  are  in  fact  state 
asylums  for  orphaned  and  dependent  children  of  all 
classes. 

For  reasons  given  elsewhere,  the  inquiry  had  to  be 
limited  to  a  smaller  number  of  families  than  antici- 
pated. Yet  it  is  sufficiently  representative  of  various 
conditions  of  child-life  to  permit  some  conclusions. 
We  do  not  believe  that  a  more  extended  research 
would  have  led  to  materially  different  results. 

Children,  not  families,  were  considered  as  units  in 
the  investigation.  Children  of  the  same  parents  being 
tabulated  separately,  their  total  number  exceeds  that 
of  the  families. 


128 


THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 


1.  By  Color. 
The  small  percentage  of  colored  children  (1.99  per 
cent.)  is  not  evidence  of  a  relatively  better  treatment 
accorded  their  own  flesh  and  blood  by  Negro  parents, 
for  the  Negroes  as  a  race  are  in  some  respects  pecul- 
iary  callous  to  the  sufferings  of  their  children.     Aside 

SUMMAEY  I. 

DESTITUTION    AND    NEGLECT    OF   CHILDREN   AS   AFFECTED    BY   THE 
USE   OF   INTOXICATING   LIQUORS,   BY   COLOR. 


Condition   due'Condition   due 

1 
Condition   due  Condition  due 

to  intemperate 

to  intemperate 

to  intemperate  to  intemperate 

habits  of    one 

habits  of  nat- 

habits of  oth- 

habits of  par- 

or   both    par- 

ural   or    legal 

ers  not  parents 

ents,     guardi- 

^ 

ents. 

guardians. 

or  guardians. 

ans,  or  others. 

H 

i-a 

i-a 

i-a 

iTJ 

t^ 

a 

ga 

W 

^ 

la 

> 

'A 

iia 

;x 

^ 

O  o 

White. 

Number. 

22fi- 

a37fi 

m 

(K 

4599 

.372 

4.3 

4.599 

.399 

?314 

2,33.'; 

38,'; 

5034 

Per  cent. 

4.i.l« 

47.2(1 

1.2o 

91. .36'  7..3n 

(I.KI 

91 .36 

7.7!i 

4,'i.97 

46., '« 

7.(W 

98.01 

Colored. 

Number. 

4(1 

4H 

H 

2 

!«       10 

_ 

92 

1(1 

4(1 

.« 

9 

102 

Per  cent. 

311.22 

AIM 

13.72 

1.96 

88.24!  9.80 

- 

90.20 

9.80 

39.22 

51.96 

8.82 

1.99 

Total. 

/Number. 
\Per  cent. 

23(17 

2424 

405 

6.1 

4fi.S9    as2 

4.3 

4691 

402 

2354 

23,'W 

.394 

51.36 

44.92  47.20 

7.88 

1.2691..30    7.44 

0.84^91. 33|  7.83 

45.83146.50 

7.67 

100.00 

from  causes  leading  to  less  interference  with  the  family 
relations  of  colored  people  by  agencies  under  the  con- 
trol of  whites,  which  in  part  explain  why  so  few  pick- 
aninnies are  accounted  for,  it  must  be  remembered  that 
our  returns  are  from  Northern  communities.  The  per- 
centages in  the  first  summary,  however,  probably  indi- 
cate the  true  relations  of  the  races  in  the  respect  under 
consideration.  In  a  larger  number  of  dependent  col- 
ored children,  especially  if  Southern  cities  were  thor- 
oughly represented,  we  should  probably  find  that  even 
to  a  greater  extent  the  advantage  lies  with  the  Negro. 
As  it  is,  but  39.22  per  cent,  of  the  colored  children 
owe  their  plight   to  the    intemperate  habits  of   their 


RELATIONS  TO  DESTITUTION  OF  CHILDREN.     129 

parents  or  others  as  against  45.97  per  cent,  of  the 
white.  This  is  in  line  with  the  statistics  of  applicants 
for  relief  and  of  paupers. 

2.  By  Nativity  of  Children  and  Parent  Nativity. 

Only  2.20  per  cent,  of  the  5136  children  were  born 
outside  the  United  States,  with  9.48  per  cent,  whose 
nativity  is  unknown.  In  the  statistics  from  the  differ- 
ent societies  and  institutions,  as  well  as  in  Summary 
II.,  we  find  relatively  fewer  American  than  foreign  born 
children  whose  destitution  or  neglect  is  caused  by  the 
intemperate  habits  of  those  having  parental  responsi- 
bility for  them.  The  general  percentages  are  43.59 
for  the  native  born  and  49.56  for  the  foreign  born. 
That  the  figures  would  be  still  more  favorable  to  the 
native  born  if  we  could  do  away  with  the  percentage 
of  unknown  place  of  birth  is  evinced  by  Summary  III. 
Among  the  children  of  full  native  parentage,  37.40  per 
cent,  have  become  dependent  through  drink,  as  against 
49.11  per  cent,  among  those  of  full  foreign  parentage. 
Yet  we  have  35.82  per  cent,  the  nativity  of  whose 
parents  is  unknown  ;  and  we  feel  safe  in  estimating 
much  over  one  half  of  this  last  percentage  to  be  of 
foreign  parentage. 

The  Irish  contribute  as  a  rule  the  largest  proportion 
of  parents  of  foreign  birth  whose  children  are  cared 
for  by  the  societies  for  the  prevention  of  cruelty  and 
humane  societies,  and  the  Hebrews  the  next  largest. 
The  latter  offend  in  most  cases  by  sending  young  chil- 
dren to  peddle  on  the  streets,  occasionally  through 
abuse,  but  very  rarely  on  account  of  intemperance. 
We  have  no  information  about  the  nationalities  prin- 


130  THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

cipally  dealt  with  by  other  child-saving  agencies. 
Drunken  parents  more  frequently  desert  their  chil- 
dren than  abuse  them  to  the  extent  o£  becoming  amen- 
able to  the  law.  It  is  estimated  that  in  this  country 
about  16,000  children  annually  are  deserted  by  their 
parents. 

As  the  general  percentage  of  the  destitution  and 
neglect  of  children  due  to  the  liquor  habits  of  their 
parents,  we  get  44.92,  which,  when  the  intemperance  of 
guardians  and  others  is  added,  increases  to  45.83  per 
cent.  There  is  no  startling  divergence  from  the  last 
percentage  to  account  for  (see  Appendix  table).  As 
might  be  expected,  the  figures  returned  by  the  first 
group  of  societies,  which  deals  with  children  from  the 
most  depraved  classes,  are  with  one  exception  higher 
than  the  average,  reaching  64.28  per  cent,  in  the  in- 
stance of  the  Yonkers  Society  for  the  Prevention  of 
Cruelty  to  Children.  In  the  second  group,  including 
three  branch  organizations  of  the  National  Children's 
Home  Society  and  one  of  the  Indiana  Boards  of  Chil- 
dren's Guardians,  we  note  a  wider  discrepancy,  but 
one  entirely  conditioned  by  the  classes  of  society  from 
which  the  children  are  taken.  The  third  group,  em- 
bracing the  two  state  public  schools  of  Minnesota  and 
Wisconsin,  which  are  conducted  on  identical  lines, 
shows  a  divergence  of  less  than  3  per  cent,  in  the  gen- 
eral results. 

Untabulated  data  from  other  organizations  show 
percentages  of  intemperance  very  similar  to  those 
given.  In  97  cases  of  the  Missouri  Humane  Society, 
for  instance,  about  42  per  cent,  were  due  to  drink ;  the 
estimate  for  the  Massachusetts  Society  for  the  Preven- 


SUMMARY  II. 

DESTITUTION   AND   NEGLECT   OF   CHILDREN   AS   AFFECTED   BT  THE 
USE    OF    INTOXICATING    LIQUORS,    BY   NATIVITY. 


Condition   due 

Condition   due'Condition   due  Condition  due 

to  intemperate 

to  intemperate!  to  intemperate 

to  intemperate 
habits  of  par- 

habits of    one 

habits  of  nat-}  habits  of  oth- 

Nativity  of  Cuil- 

UREN. 

or    both    par- 

ural   or    legal  ers  not  parents 

ents,     guardi- 

^ 

ents. 

guardians. 

or  guardians. 

ans,  or  others. 

H 

iTi 

i-a 

i-d 

n'.ri 

s 

Q 

fc-  qj 

OJ 

Q 

^.2 

s 

Q 

^  a> 

£ 

Q 

Loj 

X 

iz; 

fea 

tx 

;?; 

;« 

z 

o  o 

f- 

z 

Jqa 

Native  born.    Number. 

ift'ii 

222.-! 

.^S2 

fi2 

4114 

3G0       42 

4114 

.380 

1977 

2187 

37? 

4536 

Per  cent. 

4'.i..5- 

4!t."l 

8.42 

1  .."7 

!)0.7(l 

r.as 

0.1)2 

110.7(1 

8. 38 

43..5il 

4h:>.\ 

8  2(1 

88.. 32 

Foreign  born.  Number. 

.W 

.52 

(i 

■■■• 

104 

0 

1 

100 

fi 

,50 

.51 

6 

113 

Per  cent. 

4KHV 

46.(12 

."i.^l 

2.K.-, 

'.•2.(14 

,5.31 

(I.8K 

93.81 

,5..31 

49., 5(1 

4,5.13 

.5  31 

2.20 

Unknown.       Number. 

.'ttl 

14!) 

17 

_ 

471 

10 

_ 

471 

16 

,321 

1,5(1 

16 

487 

Per  cent. 

(js.ai 

30.<i0   3.4y 

- 

'Mi.Ti 

3.29 

- 

96.71 

3.29 

65.91 

30.80 

3.29 

9.48 

Total.      {^erce'^J: 

a'lnr 

2424     4n.i 

(m 

40.99 

X<2 

4.3 

4691 

402 

2.3,54 

2.^S8 

.394 

51,36 

44. ya 

47.20    7.88 

1.2« 

91.30 

7.44 

0.84 

91.33 

7.83 

45.83 

4G.50J  7.67 

100.00 

SUMMARY  III. 


DESTITUTION    AND   NEGLECT    OF    CHILDREN    AS   AFFECTED    BY    THE 
USE    OF    INTOXICATING    LIQUORS,    BY    PARENT    NATIVITY. 


Condition   due'Condition   due 

Condition   due 

Condition  due 

to  intemperate   to  intemperate 

to  intemperate 

to  intemperate 

habits  of    one  habits  of  nat- 

habits  of  oth- 

habits of  par- 

or   both    par- 

ural   or    legal 

ers  not  parents 

ents,     guardi- 

J 

Parent 

Nativity. 

ents. 

guardians. 

or  guardians. 

ans,  or  others. 

H 

i-a 

i'd 

i-a 

i-d 

s 

Q 

^  ^ 

s 

d 

£•£ 

£ 

6 

s 

Q 

^s 

PH 

Z 

^a 

>< 

Z 

0  0 

Ph 

Z 

ol 
^0. 

X 

z 

oS 

Both  parents  native. 

Number. 

579 

859 

180 

22    14.35 

101 

24 

1422 

172 

605 

840 

173 

1618 

Per  cent. 

35.79 

53.09 

11.12 

1.36  88.69 

9.95 

1.48 

87.89 

10.63 

37.40 

51.91 

10.69 

31.50 

Both  parents  foreign. 

Number. 

571 

570 

,38 

10    11.33 

36 

8 

1131 

40 

579 

sm 

36 

1179 

Per  cent. 

48.43 

48.35 

3.22 

0.85  90.10 

3.05 

0.68 

95.93 

3..39 

49.11 

47.84 

3.(» 

22.96 

Both  parents  un- 

known.          Number. 

937 

7.55 

148 

27 

1606 

147 

9 

1679 

152 

041) 

747 

147 

1840 

Per  cent. 

50.93 

41.03 

8.04 

1.47 

90.54 

7.99 

0.49 

91.25 

8.26 

51.41 

40.60 

7.99 

35.82 

Father  native,  mother 

foreign.          Number. 

26 

■36 

3 

_ 

62 

3 

_ 

62 

3 

26 

36 

3 

65 

Per  cent. 

40.00 

4.62 

55.38 

_ 

95.38 

4.62 

_ 

95.38 

4.62 

40.00 

4.62 

55.38 

1.27 

Father  foreign,  mother 

native.            Number. 

102 

111 

14 

_ 

213 

14 

- 

213 

14 

102 

111 

14 

227 

Per  cent. 

44.93 

48.90 

6.17 

_ 

93.83 

6.17 

_ 

93.SJ 

6.17 

44.93 

48.90 

6.17 

4.42 

Father  native,  mother 

unknown.      Number. 

24 

31 

J 

1 

54 

7 

_ 

5,5 

7 

25 

,30 

7 

62 

Per  cent. 

38.71 

50.00 

11.29 

1.61187.10 

11.29 

- 

88.71 

11.29 

40.32 

48.39 

11.29 

1.21 

Father  foreign,  mother 

unknown.      Number. 

58 

32 

6 

1 

m 

5 

1 

90 

5 

59 

32 

5 

96 

Per  cent. 

60.42 

33.33 

6.25 

1.04 

93.75 

5.21 

1.04 

93.75 

5.21 

61.40 

33.33 

5.21 

1.87 

Father  unknown,  mo- 

ther native.    Number. 

6 

20 

8 

2 

24 

8 

1 

25 

8 

8 

18 

8 

34 

Per  cent. 

17.65 

58.82123.53 

5.88 

70.59 

23.53 

2.94 

73.53 

23.53 

23.53 

52.94 

23.53 

0.66 

Father  unknown,  mo- 

ther foreign.  Number. 

4 

10 

1 

2 

12 

1 

- 

14 

1 

4 

10 

1 

15 

Per  cent. 

26.66 

66.67 

6.67 

13.33  80.00 

6.67 

- 

93.33 

6.67 

26.66 

66.67 

6.67 

0.29 

Tnfoi       /Number. 
Total,      ^y^^  ^gjjf 

2.307 

2424 

40.5 

65   46.S9 

.3H2 

43 

4691 

402 

2.354 

2388 

,394 

51.36 

44.92 

47.20 

7.88 

I.26|91.30 

7.44 

0.84 

91.33 

7.83 

45.83 

46,50 

7.67 

100.00 

132  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

tion  of  Cruelty  to  Children  is  about  65  per  cent.  ;  and 
in  155  cases  cared  for  during  the  year  ending  August 
1, 1898,  by  the  Children's  Home  Society  of  Minnesota, 
about  34  per  cent.  We  know  of  no  other  investiga- 
tions undertaken  either  in  this  country  or  abroad  on 
similar  lines,  and  thus  are  without  comparable  data. 


CHAPTEE  V. 

THE    LIQUOR    PROBLEM   IN   ITS    RELATIONS   TO    CRIME. 

In  order  that  the  reader,  fully  realizing  the  necessary 
limitations  of  this  research,  may  take  the  statistics  at 
their  true  value,  we  preface  our  analysis  with  some 
observations  of  a  general  character. 

To  a  greater  extent  than  the  investigations  of  pov- 
erty and  pauperism,  the  present  involves  a  psychologi- 
cal element  affecting  both  the  investigator  and  his  sub- 
ject. A  densely  ignorant  convict  —  and  we  find  many 
such  —  cannot  be  expected  to  view  his  past  in  a  very 
clear  perspective,  or  to  distinguish  unerringly  between 
the  circumstances  and  events  that  influenced  his  devel- 
opment into  a  criminal.  Neither  is  it  probable  that 
the  warped  mind  of  the  "  born  "  criminal  (if  there  be 
such)  will  permit  him  to  see  things  in  their  true  rela- 
tions. Yet  the  object  was  to  draw  from  both  classes  of 
convicts  a  life  history,  which  to  answer  the  purpose 
required  a  nice  discrimination  between  factors  that, 
singly  or  in  combination,  were  most  active  in  giving 
bent  to  the  character  and  shaping  a  future  career. 

To  ascertain  the  truth,  then,  it  was  a  requisite  either 
that  the  convict  himself  should  be  able  to  determine 
which  causes  were  the  most  immediate  in  leading  him 
to  a  condition  which  induced  the  crime  and  their  rela- 
tions to  each  other,  or  that  the  investigator,  having 
learned  what  could  be  learned,  should  possess  sufficient 


134  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

psychological  insight  to  make  correct  inferences  from 
sometimes  meagre  data.  But  in  the  case  of  the  "  born  " 
criminal,  the  individual  whose  degenerate  organism 
handicaps  him  in  the  race  with  other  men,  the  criminal 
condition  has  also  a  physiological  basis  to  which  the 
investigator  must  give  due  heed. 

When  confronting  accidental  criminals,  —  and  we 
hold  them  to  constitute  a  majority  of  convicts,  —  the 
problem  may  either  be  intensified  or  become  quite 
simple.  There  are  men  whose  criminal  acts,  springing 
from  undiscoverable  causes,  seem  to  lack  every  j^lausi- 
ble  motive  ;  cases  of  atavism,  some  would  call  them. 
On  the  other  hand,  there  are  numerous  accidental 
criminals,  the  immediate  cause  of  whose  anti-social 
conduct  is  palpable.  Where  an  unusual  and  sudden 
temptation  obtains  mastery,  for  instance,  as  in  many 
cases  of  assault  with  intent  to  kill,  motives  and  causes 
are  not  such  subtile  and  elusive  quantities. 

We  mention  the  great  difficulties  besetting  this  kind 
of  an  investigation  to  emphasize  the  futility  of  attempts 
to  express  in  mathematical  terms,  from  which  no  devi- 
ation will  be  tolerated,  the  amount  of  crime  attributable 
to  any  single  cause,  especially  intemperance,  or  even  a 
group  of  causes,  and  frankly  to  warn  the  reader  against 
accepting  our  percentages  as  more  than  approximating 
the  facts  they  stand  for.  Nevertheless,  we  are  con- 
fident that  they  afford  a  truthful  exposition  of  the 
relations  of  intemperance  to  crime,  being  based  upon 
careful  and  fair-minded  research.  Evidence  of  this  is 
not  to  be  sought  in  the  agreement  of  our  findings  with 
preconceived  notions  as  to  the  amount  of  crime  due  to 
drink,  but  in  the  essential  harmony  between  statistics 


RELATIONS  TO  CRIME.  135 

gathered  by  nearly  a  score  of  investigators,  who  though 
directed  by  one  man  have  worked  in  entire  independ- 
ence of  each  other. 

1.  Intemperance  as  a  Cause  of  Crime  by  Nativity. 

Summary  I.  exhibits  the  rank  intemperance  hokls 
as  a  cause  of  crime  among  the  different  nationalities 
contributing  to  our  prison  population,  but  without 
reference  to  the  kind  of  crime.  The  regrettable  neces- 
sity of  limiting  our  schedules  to  the  most  essential 
questions  forbade  inquiry  about  the  parent  nativity  of 
convicts.  We  are  thus  left  without  knowledge  of  the 
proportion  of  native-born  prisoners  who  are  also  of 
native  extraction.  It  is  fair  to  assume,  however,  that 
considerably  more  than  50  per  cent,  have  parents  or 
one  parent  of  foreign  nativity.  In  two  or  three  prisons 
the  element  of  native  extraction  is  in  the  preponderance. 

The  nationalities  appear  in  their  proper  relations 
when  we  consider  crime  induced  by  intemperance  gen- 
erally rather  than  when  connected  with  a  specific  kind 
of  intemperance.  The  totals  under  some  of  the  kinds 
of  intemperance  mentioned  are  very  small  for  some 
nationalities,  while  for  others  undue  prominence  may 
have  been  given  to  that  form  of  the  liquor  habit  which 
could  most  easily  be  ascertained. 

We  find,  accordingly,  that  intemperance  as  a  cause 
of  crime  yields  percentages  for  the  nationalities  in  the 
following  order :  (1)  Scotch,  58.33 ;  (2)  Canadian, 
56.74;  (3)  Irish,  56.70;  (4)  Scandinavian,  56.25; 
(5)  Polish,  53.41  ;  (6)  English,  52.92  ;  (7)  American, 
50.23  ;  (8)  Italian,  50.00  ;  (9)  German,  44.87 ;  (10) 
Austrian,  34.62;    (11)    Russian,   25.00.      It  will   be 


136  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

observed  that  this  ranking  of  the  nationalities  bears  no 
relation  to  their  respective  quotas  o£  the  total  number 
of  convicts. 

The  order  in  which  we  find  the  nationalities  seems, 
on  the  whole,  to  sustain  the  results  reached  in  previous 
chapters.  Poles  and  Italians  take  an  unexpectedly 
high  rank,  it  is  true,  but  Summary  IV,  affords  an  ex- 
planation. There  we  learn  that  the  disparity  between 
the  percentages  of  intemperate  convicts  committed  for 
crime  against  the  person  as  compared  with  those  of 
intemperate  convicts  committed  for  crime  against  pro- 
perty are  relatively  greater  among  Poles  and  Italians 
than  among  other  nationalities.  In  other  words,  were 
it  not  for  the  fact  that  Poles  and  Italians  are  guilty  of 
acts  of  violence,  murders,  stabbings,  etc.,  out  of  pro- 
portion to  their  numbers,  they  would  rank  much  lower 
in  our  list.  The  native  born  are  in  about  the  place  we 
might  expect,  judging  from  the  relations  of  native-born 
applicants  for  relief  and  paupers  to  drink.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  Germans,  holding  ninth  place,  stand 
surprisingly  low.  Most  of  the  convicts  classed  as  Rus- 
sians being  of  the  Hebrew  race,  which  is  noted  for  its 
exceptional  sobriety  the  world  over,  we  properly  find 
them  at  the  bottom  of  the  list.  In  the  returns  from 
the  single  prisons  and  reformatories,  the  natives  as  a 
rule  retain  seventh  j)lace,  though  other  nationalities 
are  in  some  cases  represented  in  such  small  numbers 
that  it  is  difficult  to  judge.  In  the  statistics  from 
States  having  relatively  the  smaller  proportions  of  for- 
eigners, the  native-born  convicts  drop  to  eighth  or 
ninth  place,  for  instance  in  Maine,  New  Hampshire, 
and  Virginia.  -  - 


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138  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

Further  information  about  intemperance  as  a  cause 
of  crime  with  respect  to  nationality  is  given  on  suc- 
ceeding pages. 

Summary  I.  finally  shows  that  the  different  nation- 
alities have  contributed  to  the  total  number  of  13,402 
convicts  in  the  following  ratio  :  (1)  American,  79.78 
per  cent. ;  (2)  German,  5.30  per  cent. ;  (3)  Irish,  2.89 
per  cent. ;  (4)  Canadian,  2.10  per  cent. ;  (5)  English, 
1.92  per  cent. ;  (6)  Italian,  1.76  per  cent. ;  (7)  Scan- 
dinavian, 0.95  per  cent. ;  (8)  Russian,  0.78  per  cent. ; 
(9)  Austrian,  0.78  per  cent. ;  (10)  Polish,  0.66  per 
cent.  ;  (11)  Scotch,  0.45  per  cent.  ;  all  other  coun- 
tries, 2.04  per  cent.,  while  0.59  per  cent,  are  unknown. 
These  percentages  hold  no  proportion  either  to  the 
numerical  streng-th  or  the  drink  habits  of  the  nation- 
alities.  That  is  to  say,  given  an  equal  representation 
in  any  State  of  the  nationalities  in  question,  it  by  no 
means  follows  that  the  one  most  given  to  the  drink 
habit  will  contribute  the  largest  share  of  criminals. 
This  does  not  affect  the  proposition  that  more  con- 
victs of  hard-drinking  people  will  owe  their  criminal 
condition  to  drink  than  those  of  a  notably  temperate 
nationality. 

2.  By  Kind  of  Crime. 

For  crime  against  property,  70.92  per  cent,  of  the 
convicts  were  committed  ;  for  crime  against  the  person, 
23.17  per  cent. ;  for  both  kinds  in  conjunction,  3.01 
per  cent,  (largely  assaults  with  intent  to  rob),  and  for 
other  crimes,  2.90  per  cent.  Under  the  last  head 
come  all  the  offenses  against  the  United  States,  such  as 
counterfeiting,  breaking  revenue  and  postal  laws,  etc. 


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140  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

It  conforms  to  experience  that  more  of  the  crimes 
against  the  person  than  of  those  against  property 
shoukl  be  induced  by  intemperance ;  yet  the  difference 
is  not  considerable.  Rape  and  kindred  offenses  against 
the  person  were  found  due  to  intemperance  in  com- 
paratively few  instances,  and  then  more  often  to  an- 
cestral intemperance.  Murders  and  ordinary  assaults, 
on  the  contrary,  were  frequently  connected  with  per- 
sonal and  ancestral  intemperance,  and  not  infrequently 
with  all  three  kinds  enumerated.  Crimes  against  both 
person  and  property  seem  related  to  the  drink  habit  in 
about  the  same  proportion  as  crimes  against  the  per- 
son. From  the  nature  of  the  offenses,  the  fourth  class 
of  crimes  shows  the  remotest  relation  to  drink.  It 
requires  better  nerves  than  the  drunkard's  to  counter- 
feit or  "  work  "  post-offices  successfully. 

We  have  shown  how  the  different  classes  of  offenses 
may  be  referred  to  intemperance  as  a  general  crime 
cause.  We  distinguish,  however,  between  different 
kinds  of  intemperance,  and  it  may  be  said  that  a  clear 
distinction  was  not  easy  to  maintain,  neither  did  all 
investigators  give  the  matter  equal  weight. 

Personal  intemperance  we  find  to  be  a  cause  of  the 
crimes  against  property  and  against  the  person  in 
about  equal  percentages,  but  it  jumps  to  a  surprising 
percentage  in  the  third  class  (against  property  and 
the  person).  A  reason  for  the  latter  may  be  that 
drunken  loafers,  members  of  gangs  that  infest  certain 
quarters  of  large  cities,  are  frequently  arrested  for 
highway  robbery.  Relatively  half  as  many  crimes  of 
the  fourth  class  as  of  the  first  are  due  to  the  personal 
abuse  of  intoxicants.     That  intemjaerance  both  of  an- 


RELATIONS   TO   CRIME.  141 

cestors  and  of  associates  should  be  closely  related  to 
crimes  against  property  is  also  in  confirmation  of  gen- 
eral experience.  Personal  and  ancestral  intemperance 
is  a  common  combination  in  murder  cases,  hence  we 
find  it  in  the  largest  percentage  under  crimes  against 
the  person.  The  combination  personal  and  of  asso- 
ciates yields  percentages  in  not  unexpected  propor- 
tions, except,  perhaps,  for  the  last  group  of  crimes. 
An  explanation  may  be  in  the  fact  that  among  the 
47  convicts  in  this  group  were  many  first  offenders. 
Where  intemperance  of  all  three  kinds  is  given  as  a 
crime  cause,  the  schedules  with  striking  frequency 
referred  to  habitual  criminals.  It  accords  to  find  the 
largest  percenl^ge  of  this  combination  in  the  first  and 
last  groups  of  crimes,  for  habitual  offenders  are  infre- 
quently guilty  of  acts  of  violence.  Among  the  high- 
est grade  of  criminals,  professional  thieves,  burglars, 
"  cracksmen,"  etc.,  there  is  very  little  personal  intem- 
perance. The  weakness  of  the  "  celebrated  "  criminal 
runs  to  women,  not  to  wine. 

3.  Principal  Causes  of  Crime  hy  Nativity. 

The  relations  of  nationality  to  intemperance  as  a 
crime  cause  are  shown  in  a  new  light  in  the  next 
summary.  Here  intemperance  is  excluded  from  all 
cases  in  which  it  was  not  the  principal  or  first  cause  of 
crime.  Consequently,  the  full  extent  of  drink  as  a 
crime  cause  is  not  under  discussion,  and,  as  before 
remarked,  the  fairest  estimate  of  the  nationality  ques- 
tion must  be  the  one  already  given. 

The  points  of  interest  in  the  summary  can  be  taken 
in  at  a  glance  when  we  arrange  the  nationalities  accord- 


142  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

ing  to  their  percentages  under  each  of  the  principal 
causes.     We  get  the  following  order  :  — 


Unfavorable 
environment 

Lack  of  industrial 
training 

Intemperance 

Not  due  to  any  of 
these  causes 

1.  Italian 

1.  Austrian 

1.  Scandinavian 

1.  Russian 

2.  Polish 

2.  Russian 

2.  Scotch 

2.  Scandinavian 

3.  Canadian 

3.  German 

3.  Canadian 

3.  Austrian 

4.  Russian 

4.  American 

4.  Irish 

4.  Scotch 

5.  American 

5.  Polish 

5.  English 

5.  Polish 

6.  Irish 

6.  English 

6.  American 

6.  German 

7.  English 

7.  Italian 

7.  German 

7.  Irish 

8.  German 

8.  Irish 

8.  Polish 

8.  Italian 

9.  Austrian 

9.  Scotch 

9.  Italian 

9.  English 

10.  Scotch 

10.  Canadian 

10.  Austrian 

10.  American 

11.  Scandinavian 

11.  Scandinavian 

11.  Russian 

11.  Canadian 

As  unfavorable  environment  of  birth  and  early  life 
we  considered  parental  neglect,  want  of  education, 
etc.,  especially  the  latter.  The  order  of  nationalities 
in  the  first  column  is  only  the  expected,  unless  it  be 
the  high  rank  of  the  American.  But  it  must  be 
remembered  that  as  such  are  classed  all  native  born, 
regfardless  of  extraction.  Column  2  offers  some  sur- 
prises ;  for  instance,  the  order  in  which  we  observe  the 
Austrian,  German,  and  Italian.  Our  data  do  not, 
however,  pretend  to  accurately  measure  the  extent  to 
which  industrial  training  prevails  in  different  countries, 
and  we  deal  as  a  rule  with  their  poorest  representatives. 
The  Scandinavians  occupy  a  singular  position  in  all 
these  columns,  but  one  in  keeping  with  their  national 
traits.  Drink  is  their  chief  weakness,  and  so  the  most 
prolific  source  of  crime.  As  between  the  three  princi- 
pal causes,  intemperance  and  unfavorable  environment 
are  held  responsible  for  nearly  equal  percentages  of 
crime,  both  outranking  in  this  respect  lack  of  industrial 


RELATIONS  TO  CRIME. 


143 


training  by  about  10  per  cent.  More  than  16  per 
cent,  of  the  total  number  of  cases  had  no  discoverable 
connection  with  any  of  these  causes.  Among  other 
crime  causes  we  noted  the  frequency  of  sexual  excesses. 

SUMMARY  III. 

PRINCIPAL    CAUSES    LEADING    TO    A    CONDITION    WHICH    INDUCED    THE 
CKUVIE,    BY   NATIVITY    OF    CRIiUNALS. 


, 

.2 

o 

Natxvitt  OS  Criminals. 

0 

a    . 

3  2 

•c.S 

3g 

1 

H 

11 

p. 

SS 

S 

rs.i: 

^ 

S 

-o  s 

a  ■* 

J 

a 

Native  born. 

Number. 

.3280 

2409 

3338 

1665 

10692 

Per  cent. 

30.68 

22.53 

31.22 

15.57 

79.78 

Foreign  born. 

England. 

Number. 

72 

47 

94 

44 

257 

Per  cent. 

28.01 

18.29 

36.58 

17.12 

1.92 

Scotland. 

Number. 

14 

8 

25 

13 

60 

Per  cent. 

23..S3 

13.33 

41.67 

21.67 

0.45 

Ireland. 

Number. 

109 

64 

146 

69 

388 

Per  cent. 

28.09 

16..50 

37.62 

17.78 

2.89 

Canada. 

Number. 

95 

37 

113 

37 

282 

Per  cent. 

33.69 

1.3.12 

40.07 

13.12 

2.10 

Germany. 

Number. 

199 

176 

197 

1.39 

711 

Per  cent. 

27.99 

24.75 

27.70 

19.56 

5..30 

Sweden  and  Norway.  Number. 

26 

15 

54 

33 

128 

Per  cent. 

20.31 

11.72 

42.19 

25.78 

0.95 

Italy. 

Number. 

92 

43 

60 

41 

236 

Per  cent. 

38.98 

18.22 

25.43 

17.37 

1.76 

Russia. 

Number. 

34 

26 

13 

31 

104 

Per  cent. 

32.69 

25.00 

12..50 

29.81 

0.78 

Poland. 

Number. 

30 

17 

23 

18 

88 

Per  cent. 

34.09 

19.32 

26.14 

20.45 

0.66 

Austria. 

Number. 

29 

32 

19 

24 

104 

Per  cent. 

27.88 

30.77 

18.27 

23.08 

0.78 

All  other  countries. 

Number. 

80 

48 

77 

68 

273 

Per  cent. 

29.30 

17.58 

28.21 

24.91 

2.04 

Unknown. 

Number. 

31 

21 

20 

7 

79 

Per  cent. 

(  Number, 
j  Per  cent. 

39.24 

26.58 

25.32 

8.86 

0.59 

Total. 

4091 

2943 

4179 

2189 

13402 

30.53 

21.96 

31.18 

16.33 

100.00 

144  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

4.  Principal  Causes  by  Nativity  of  Cinminals  and 
Kind  of  Crime. 

That  crimes  of  violence,  that  is,  agaiust  the  person, 
occur  with  greater  frequency  among  certain  national- 
ities than  among  others  is  a  matter  frequently  com- 
mented upon  by  students  and  observers.  It  seems, 
therefore,  a  legitimate  inquiry  whether  any  definite 
relations  can  be  established  between  nationality  and 
kind  of  crime,  as  well  as  between  the  crime  cause  and 
kind  of  crime  in  respect  to  nationality.  The  next 
summary  is  an  attempt  in  this  direction. 

The  following  nationalities  yield  relatively  larger 
percentages  of  crime  against  property  than  of  crime 
against  the  person :  American,  English,  Canadian,  Ger- 
man, Russian,  Polish,  and  Austrian,  while  for  the 
Scotch  we  get  exactly  the  same  percentages  for  both 
classes  of  crime.  Among  Italians,  Irish,  and  Scan- 
dinavians, on  the  contrary,  a  proportionately  larger 
number  of  convicts  were  committed  for  crimes  against 
the  person.  But  the  relations  of  nationalities  to  kinds 
of  crime  must  not  be  taken  as  in  the  least  indicative  of 
the  proportion  in  which  they  contribute  to  the  criminal 
classes.  So  many  gaps  occur  under  the  classes  "Against 
property  and  the  person  "  and  "  Other  crimes  "  in  our 
summary  that  little  need  be  said,  except  to  direct 
attention  to  the  many  Germans,  Canadians,  and  Rus- 
sians committed  for  offenses  principally  against  Federal 
laws.  In  examining  the  connection  between  jirincipal 
causes  of  crime  and  kinds  of  crime,  we  also  confine 
ourselves  to  the  first  two  classes  of  crime. 

In  the  column  showing  intemperance  as  a  principal 


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146  THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

cause  of  crimes  against  property,  we  find  that  the 
nationalities  stand  in  the  same  order  as  in  Summary 
III.,  except  that  the  Austrian  and  Italian  convicts 
have  exchanged  places.  But  under  crimes  against  the 
person,  an  arrangement  of  the  nationalities  by  intem- 
perance as  the  principal  cause  produces  naturally  a 
duplicate  of  the  order  given  in  Summary  I.,  in  which 
we  dealt  with  intemperance  of  all  kinds,  whether  occur- 
ring as  a  principal,  secondary,  or  a  remoter  cause,  for 
the  reason  that  some  of  the  hardest-drinking  nation- 
alities are  more  largely  guilty  of  crime  against  the 
person.  Reference  to  the  peculiar  showing  of  the 
Polish  and  Italian  convicts  has  already  been  made  in 
the  analysis  of  Summary  I. 

What  we  conceive  to  be  the  hardest-drinking  na- 
tionalities yield  the  highest  percentages  of  intemper- 
ance as  a  cause  of  crime  under  both  classes  of  crime. 
It  seems  a  warrantable  inference  that  intemperance  is 
a  principal  cause  of  the  different  kinds  of  crime  among 
the  various  nationalities  to  about  the  same  extent  as 
that  to  which  the  liquor  habit  prevails  among  them. 

With  respect  to  unfavorable  environment  as  a  prin- 
cipal cause  of  crime  against  property,  the  nationalities 
appear  in  the  same  order  as  given  in  Summary  III., 
with  unimportant  variations,  the  Italians,  Poles,  Rus- 
sians, and  Canadians  again  appearing  in  strikingly 
large  percentages.  Lack  of  industrial  training  as  a 
principal  cause  of  crime  against  property  by  national- 
ities gives  the  latter  practically  as  before,  except  that 
Italy  drops  from  the  second  to  the  seventh  place,  with 
a  couple  of  other  minor  changes.  But  under  crimes 
against   the  person,  the  nationalities  take  a  different 


RELATIONS  TO  CRIME.  147 

rank  both  with  regard  to  unfavorable  environment  and 
lack  of  industrial  training  as  principal  causes.  The 
order  is  as  follows  :  — 

Unfavorable  Environment.  Lack  of  Industrial  Training. 

1.  Polish  1.  American 

2.  German  2.  English 

3.  Italian  3.  Polish 

4.  Austrian  4.  Italian 

5.  Canadian  5.  German 

6.  American  6.  Austrian 

7.  English  7.  Scotch 

8.  Scotch  8.  Russian 

9.  Russian  9.  Irish 

10.  Irish  10.  Scandinavian 

11.  Scandinavian  11.  Canadian 

Crimes  against  the  person  seem  to  have  a  much 
more  natural  and  direct  relation  to  unfavorable  en- 
vironment as  a  principal  cause  than  to  lack  of  industrial 
training,  although  it  is  undeniably  true  that  the  latter 
is  active  in  some  cases.  Lack  of  industrial  training 
occurs  as  a  principal  cause  only  in  13.14  per  cent., 
but  unfavorable  environment  in  30.43  per  cent,  of  the 
total  number  of  cases,  while  the  disparity  between  the 
two  causes  under  crimes  against  property  is  not  very 
pronounced. 

5.  By  Relative  Rank  of  Causes  and  hy  Color. 
Summary  V.  shows,  first,  the  relative  rank  of  the 
causes  leading  to  a  condition  which  induced  the  crime 
for  all  convicts,  and  then,  separately,  by  color.  It 
would  be  difficult  to  present  a  stronger  argument  than 
is   contained   in   this  table  against   investigating   the 


148  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

relation  of  crime  to  drink  without  also  considering 
other  fruitful  sources  of  crime.  In  more  thau  32  per 
cent,  of  the  total  number  of  cases,  with  about  16  per 
cent,  unaccounted  for  as  to  crime  cause,  intemperance 
contributed  to  a  condition  leading  to  crime  in  conjunc- 
tion with  one  or  two  other  causes,  sometimes  occurring 
as  the  first  or  again  as  the  second  or  third  cause. 

Intemperance  holds  the  highest  relative  rank,  with 
16.87  per  cent.,  that  is  to  say,  it  is  more  frequently- 
found  as  the  single  cause  than  the  other  two  in  ques- 
tion. Our  statistics,  therefore,  point  to  the  conclusion 
that  intemperance  is  the  one  most  prolific  source  of 
criminal  condition,  but  that  alone  it  heli3S  to  explain 
the  downfall  of  but  16.87  per  cent,  of  13,402  convicts, 
or  about  the  same  percentage  as  of  convicts  the  cause 
of  whose  condition  is  not  accounted  for.  Unfavorable 
environment  and  lack  of  industrial  training  are  both 
responsible,  when  taken  singly,  for  less  than  half  as 
many  cases  as  intemperance,  but  taken  together  and 
where  they  are  in  combination,  they  were  held  to  be 
the  causes  of  the  criminal  condition  of  nearly  twice  as 
many  of  our  convicts  as  intemperance  by  itself.  The 
importance  of  the  two  causes  other  than  drink  was 
thus  not  overestimated  when  the  investigation  was  set 
on  foot. 

It  follows  from  the  previous  analysis  that,  both 
singly  and  in  combinations,  unfavorable  environment 
should  hold  a  higher  rank  throughout  the  table  as  a 
cause  than  lack  of  industrial  training,  and  that  intem- 
perance should  overtop  both.  Intemperance  is  the 
first  cause  in  four  of  the  combinations  in  which  it 
occurs ;  unfavorable  environment  in  three  ;  and  lack  of 


RELATIONS  TO   CRIME. 


149 


industrial  training  in  three  ;  but  the  last  mentioned, 
when  a  first  cause,  shows  the  lowest  percentages. 

Our  statistics  embrace  returns  from  but  one  typical 
Southern  state  prison,  that  of  Richmond,  Ya.     Nei- 

STXMMARY  V. 

RELATIVE    RANK     OF    CAUSES     LEADING    TO    A    CONDITION    WHICH    IN- 
DUCED  THE    CRIME,    BY   COLOR. 


Causes  of  Crime  accobdino 

TO  THEIE   RBLATIVB   RANK. 


Intemperance   .... 

Unfavorable  environment  and 
lack  of  industrial  training 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and 
unfavorable  environment 

Unfavorable  environment  . 

Lack  of  industrial  training 

Intemperance  and  unfavora' 
ble  environment     .     . 

Unfavorable  environment  and 
intemperance     .     .     . 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and 
intemperance     .     .     . 

Intemperance  and  lack  of  in- 
dustrial training    .     . 

Intemperance,  unfavorable 
environment,  and  lack  o: 
industrial  training 

Unfavorable  environment 
lack  of  industrial  training 
and  intemperance  ... 

Unfavorable  environment,  in 
temperance,  and  lack  of  in 
dustrial  training     .     .     . 

Intemperance,  lack  of  indus- 
trial training,  and  unfavor 
able  environment  ... 

Lack  of  industrial  training 
intemperance,  and  unfavor- 
able environment  .     . 

Lack  of  industrial  training, 
unfavorable  environment, 
and  intemperance  . 

Crime  not  induced  by  any  o: 
these  causes  .... 


Total 


Total. 


2261 

1576 

998 
986 
959 

677 

648 

499 

479 

477 

461 

420 

285 

268 

219 
2189 


16.87 

11.76 

7.45 
7.36 
7.16 

5.05 

4.84 

3.72 

3.57 

3.56 

3.44 

3.13 

2.13 

2.00 

1.63 
16.33 


1882 

1424 

910 
916 

777 

641 
598 
329 
416 

419 

357 

372 

250 

233 

194 
1669 


16.53 

12.51 

7.99 
8.04 
6.82 

5.63 

5.25 

2.89 

3.65 

3.68 

3.13 

3.27 

2.20 

2.05 

1.70 
14.66 


Colored. 

1 

3 

s 

1 

379 

18.81 

1 

152 

7.54 

4 

88 
70 
182 

4.37 
3.47 
9.03 

6 
7 
2 

36 

1.79 

12 

50 

2.48 

10 

170 

8.44 

3 

63 

3.13 

8 

58 

2.88 

9 

104 

5.16 

5 

48 

2.38 

11 

35 

1.74 

13 

35 

1.74 

14 

25 

1.24 

15 

520 

25.80 

2015 

15.04 

150  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

ther  was  any  distinction  as  to  color  made  by  a  major- 
ity of  the  investigators,  although  this  was  done  for 
the  prisons  in  which  the  colored  element  is  strongest. 
About  2000  Negro  convicts  are  accounted  for ;  they 
constitute  about  15  per  cent,  of  the  whole  number  of 
convicts.  We  note  at  once  that  in  a  relatively  much 
larger  percentage  of  the  colored  than  of  the  white 
(25.80  against  14.66  per  cent.),  the  criminal  condition 
had  no  relation  to  any  of  the  three  causes.  Often  the 
gross  ignorance  of  the  Negroes  made  it  impossible  to 
get  trustworthy  information.  Moreover,  many  crimes 
committed  by  them  spring  from  animal  passions  which 
are  a  part  of  the  Negro's  inheritance,  and  exist  quite 
independently  of  the  operation  of  the  causes  consid- 
ered. Such  are  rape,  crimes  against  nature,  and  some- 
times murder,  if  in  the  first  degree  and  not  accidentally 
resulting  from  a  quarrel. 

Whether  we  regard  intemperance  as  a  principal  or 
as  a  general  cause,  it  is  seen  to  affect  more  vitally  the 
criminal  condition  of  the  Negroes  than  that  of  the 
whites.  In  the  first  instance  we  get  a  lower  percent- 
age by  about  2  per  cent.,  and  in  the  second  by  about 
10  per  cent.,  in  favor  of  the  whites.  In  other  words, 
while  the  statistics  of  poverty  as  well  as  of  pauperism 
disclose  far  less  intemperance  in  the  colored  race,  and, 
as  we  have  shown  in  another  chapter,  all  evidence  of  a 
general  character  points  to  the  same  fact,  Summary  V. 
tells  us  that  among  criminals  the  conditions  are  re- 
versed. How  are  these  apparent  contradictions  to  be 
reconciled?  Although  it  is  not  shown  in  the  tables, 
we  learned  from  a  study  of  the  schedules  that  pro- 
portionately a  great  many  more  colored   than  white 


RELATIONS  TO  CRIME.  151 

men  are  imprisoned  for  crimes  against  the  person  com- 
mitted while  under  the  influence  of  liquor.  That  is, 
they  were  to  an  unusual  number  guilty  of  unpremedi- 
tated stabbings,  shootings,  and  other  violent  acts  re- 
sulting from  drunken  quarrels  that  are  so  common 
among  certain  classes  of  Negroes.  Elsewhere  we  refer 
to  the  peculiar  effects  of  intoxication  upon  the  Negro. 
He  at  once  becomes  abusive,  often  violent,  and  as  a 
rule  utterly  heedless  of  his  actions.  Taking  crimes 
against  property  alone,  we  find  the  percentage  of 
whites  who  owe  their  criminal  condition  to  intemper- 
ance as  a  principal  cause  exceeding  that  of  the  colored 
by  nearly  1  per  cent.  This  seems  reasonable  enough, 
for  it  would  be  contrary  to  all  we  know  of  the  Negro 
character  to  attribute  his  propensity  for  stealing  to 
drink.  The  inability  to  distinguish  between  meum  et 
tuum  is  unfortunately  a  too  familiar  failing  of  the 
race. 

How  far  our  data  relating  to  Negroes  are  representa- 
tive, since  a  majority  are  derived  from  a  single  prison, 
may  perhaps  be  open  to  question. 

Unfavorable  environment  and  lack  of  industrial  train- 
ing in  combination  as  causes  of  crime  hold  second  place 
among  whites,  but  fourth  among  the  Negroes.  Un- 
favorable environment  in  the  sense  of  want  of  educa- 
tion cannot  be  regarded  as  a  cause  in  the  same  way  for 
both  races,  since  in  this  respect  most  Negroes  are  on  the 
same  level.  Lack  of  industrial  training  holds  second 
rank  among  the  colored,  and  yields  a  significant  per- 
centaffe.  So  also  does  this  cause  in  combination 
with  intemperance  ;  together  they  occupy  third  place. 
Throughout  the  table  unfavorable  environment  is  sec- 


152  THE   LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

ondary  to  lack  of  industrial  training  as  a  cause  of  crime 
among  Negroes,  while  the  reverse  is  true  of  the  rela- 
tion of  these  causes  to  white  convicts. 

The  detail  table  in  the  Appendix,  showing  the  rela- 
tive rank  of  crime  causes  by  institutions,  but  without 
distinction  as  to  color,  should  be  read  in  the  light  of 
the  explanations  made  in  succeeding  pages. 

6.  Principal  Causes  hy  Institutions. 

Given  three  possible  causes,  all  active  in  leading  to 
a  condition  which  induces  crime,  it  becomes  to  some 
extent  a  matter  of  personal  judgment  with  the  investi- 
gator which  of  the  three,  supposing  all  to  have  affected 
the  life  of  a  convict,  shall  be  considered  as  the  principal 
or  most  immediate  cause.  As  between  unfavorable  en- 
vironment and  lack  of  industrial  training,  it  is  perhaps 
impossible  always  clearly  to  distinguish  their  relations  ; 
much  less  can  it  be  attributed  to  any  personal  bias,  if 
different  investigators  arrive  at  different  conclusions 
as  to  the  predominance  to  be  given  either.  Yet  in 
the  statistics  for  the  twelve  state  prisons  in  our  next 
summary,  the  percentages  given  to  unfavorable  en- 
vironment and  lack  of  industrial  training  as  principal 
causes  are  either  fairly  uniform,  or  the  most  marked 
divergences  from  the  mean  are  easily  explainable,  ex- 
cept possibly  in  two  instances. 

The  returns  from  Sing  Sing  first  attract  attention. 
In  addition  to  the  Elmira  Reformatory,  to  which  first 
offenders  between  the  ages  of  16  and  30  are  sent  for 
lighter  crimes.  New  York  State  has  three  state  prisons, 
the  one  mentioned,  a  second  at  Auburn,  and  the  third 
at  Clinton.     Convicts   sent  to   these   institutions  are 


RELATIONS   TO   CRIME.  153 

divided  into  three  classes :  A,  first-term  men  ;  B,  second- 
term  men,  and  C,  the  incorrigible,  habitual  criminals 
who  have  already  served  two  terms.  Class  A  goes  to 
Sing  Sing,  class  B  to  Auburn,  and  class  C  to  Clin- 
ton. It  thus  happens  that  Sing  Sing  gets  an  unusual 
class  of  prisoners  ;  in  fact,  a  great  many  are  from  the 
higher  walks  of  life,  men  in  business  and  the  jirofes- 
sions,  as  well  as  trusted  employees,  etc.  It  is  a  matter 
of  course,  therefore,  that  both  unfavorable  environ- 
ment and  intemperance  should  figure  in  small  percent- 
ages for  the  convicts  at  Sing  Sing.  The  dispropor- 
tionate weight  given  to  lack  of  industrial  training  has 
been  explained  by  the  interesting  statement  that  while 
many  convicts  were  not  without  education  in  the  sense 
of  book  knowledge,  many  lacked  that  training  which 
insures  successful  competition  in  the  trades. 

In  the  New  Jersey  and  Virginia  prisons  lack  of  in- 
dustrial training  is  also  strikingly  prominent  as  a  crime 
cause.  It  is  enough  to  know  that  in  the  former  there 
were  more  colored  convicts  than  in  any  other  except 
the  Virginia  prison,  and  there  the  Negroes  were  in 
the  majority.  The  low  percentages  under  the  first  two 
causes  for  the  State  Prison  of  Minnesota  are  natural, 
considering  that  State  is  lai-gely  agricultural,  with  a 
preponderance  of  the  Scandinavian  element  among  its 
inhabitants.  When  imusual  stress  is  laid  upon  one 
cause  as  the  principal,  the  percentages  for  the  other 
naturally  diminish  in  proportion.  The  returns  from 
the  State  Prison  of  Indiana  are  in  point. 

Turning  to  the  reformatories,  we  observe  that  in  the 
New  York  institution  lack  of  industrial  training  out- 
ranks the  other  two  principal  causes  by  a  large  per- 


154  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

centage,  while  in  the  Illinois  Reformatory  a  like  pro- 
minence is  given  to  unfavorable  environment ;  for  both 
institutions  the  percentages  for  intemperance  as  a  prin- 
cipal cause  are  correspondingly  decreased.  In  both 
places  the  investigators  doubtless  had  convincing  rea- 
sons for  the  data  arrived  at.  The  discrepancy  between 
them  only  confirms  what  we  said  about  personal  judg- 
ment in  determining  the  relations  of  two  or  more 
causes.  It  must  not  be  lost  sight  of  that  the  question 
in  this  summary  is  not  the  extent  to  which  intemper- 
ance leads  to  a  condition  which  induces  crime,  but 
only  how  far  it,  compared  with  two  other  causes,  may 
be  regarded  as  a  principal  cause.  The  careful  and 
thorouo'h  investigation  made  both  at  Elmira  and  Pon- 
tiac  is  evinced  by  the  very  small  percentages  unac- 
counted for. 

The  returns  from  the  remaining  reformatories  show 
a  fair  degree  of  correspondence.  The  somewhat  low 
percentages  under  all  causes  for  the  Michigan  Re- 
formatory must  be  studied  in  connection  with  the 
unusual  percentage  of  cases  not  induced  by  any  of 
the  causes  mentioned,  wherein  an  explanation  may  be 
sought.  The  schedules  from  the  State  Reformatory 
of  Ohio  arrived  too  late  to  be  entered  in  the  tables 
with  other  institutions,  but  we  find  there  the  principal 
causes  in  the  following  percentages  :  Unfavorable  en- 
vironment, 30.22  ;  lack  of  industrial  training,  20.39  ; 
intemperance,  49.39,  in  a  total  of  407  cases.  For  all 
institutions  except  the  last  mentioned,  intemperance 
stands  as  a  principal  cause  in  31.18  per  cent,  of  all 
cases,  exceeding  slightly  unfavorable  environment. 


RELATIONS   TO   CRIME. 


155 


SUMMARY  VI. 

PRINCIPAIi    CAUSES    LEADING    TO    A    CONDITION    WHICH    INDUCED    THE 
CRIME,    BY   INSTITUTIONS. 


iNSTITtTTIONS. 


Thomaston,  Me.,  State  Prison . 

Concord,  N.  H.,  State  Prison  . 

Weathersfield,  Ct.,  State  Prison 

Auburn,  N.  Y.,  State  Prison     . 

Sing  Sing,  N.  Y.,  State  Prison  . 

Trenton,  N.  J.,  State  Prison     . 

Richmond,  Va.,  State  Prison  . 

Joliet,  111.,  State  Prison  .     .     . 

Mich.  City,  Ind.,  State  Prison. 

Stillwater,  Minn.,  State  Prison 

Waupun,  Wis.,  State  Prison     . 

Columbus,  Ohio,  State  Prison  . 

Elmira,  N.  Y.,  State  Reforma- 
tory   

Pontiac,  111.,  State  Reforma- 
tory   

Ionia,  Mich.,  State  Reforma- 
tory   

St.  Cloud,  Minn.,  State  Re- 
formatory   

Jeffersonviile,  Ind.,  State  Re- 
formatory   


Total 


Pkincipax  Causes. 


Unfavora- 
ble envi 
ronment 


4091 


36.53 
32 


35.  Gl 
0.3C 
17.43 

7.85 
34.20 
55.00 
20.40 
59.44 
29.03 

28.09 

54.25 

24.20 

37.97 

50.52 


Lack  of  in- 
dustrial 
training. 


14.61 
19.14 

6.35 
21.66 
17.51 
19.37 
23.44 
18.65 
15.73 
11.40 

6.94 
13.47 

58.18 

29.23 

0.40 

14.60 

10.21 


Intemper- 
ance 


26.03 
30.86 
51.06 
33.53 
25.16 
51.68 
38.51 
34.12 
27.41 
48.80 
28.63 
40.97 

13.58 

15.86 

33.00 

39.41 

38.22 


Crime  not 

due  to  any 

of     these 

causes. 


22.83 
17.28 
14.82 

9.20 
56.97 
11.52 
30  .'20 
13.03 

1.80 
19.40 

4.99 
16.53 

0.15 

0.66 

42.40 

8.0 

1.05 


219 
162 
425 
1011 
1399 
981 
1288 
1228 
890 
500 
461 
720 

1296 

1803 

500 

137 

382 


13402 


7.   Relative  Rank  of  Intemperance,  by  Institutions. 

In  the  final  summing  up  of  intemperance  as  a  cause 
leading  to  a  condition  which  induced  the  crime,  we 
first  show  the  relative  rank  of  intemperance  as  a  cause. 
The  percentages  under  this  caption  of  course  merely 
signify  that  in  the  cases  in  which  intemperance  ap- 
peared as  a  cause,  it  was  to  such  an  extent  regarded  as 


156  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

a  first  cause,  to  such  as  the  second  cause  in  rank,  etc. 
The  figures  for  the  different  institutions  necessarily 
correspond  to  those  in  the  preceding  summary,  showing 
the  principal  causes  by  institutions.  Although  Sing 
Sing  yields  the  lowest  percentage  of  intemperance  as  a 
cause  of  crime,  it  is  considered  as  the  first  cause  in  a 
higher  percentage  than  elsewhere,  but  does  not  appear 
at  all  as  third  cause.  This  is  natural,  in  view  of  the 
very  limited  number  of  cases  in  which  the  other  two 
causes  were  present.  It  is  a  matter  of  surprise,  how- 
ever, to  find  that  in  the  Michigan  Reformatory  intem- 
perance is  not  given  place  as  a  third  cause  in  a  single 
instance.  The  other  reformatories  present  a  contrast 
in  this  respect,  especially  the  New  York  and  Illinois 
institutions,  the  former  giving  intemperance  the  rela- 
tively largest  percentage  as  a  third  cause,  but  the 
latter  as  a  second  cause.  The  Michigan  Reformatory 
is,  or  rather  was,  in  a  class  by  itself  at  the  time  of  the 
investigation,  for  the  reason  that  it  had  been  made  to 
receive  the  overflow  from  the  state  prison ;  and  if  we 
are  not  misinformed,  a  number  of  convicts  were  foisted 
upon  it  who,  from  the  nature  of  their  crimes,  ages,  and 
previous  history,  had  no  place  in  a  reformatory. 

But  the  rank  given  intemperance  by  different  inves- 
tigators, however  interesting  and  suggestive,  is  a  mat- 
ter largely  determined  by  their  views  on  the  subject  of 
crime  causes  generally.  It  would  be  most  ungracious 
as  well  as  unjust  to  intimate  that  certain  investigators 
had  erred  by  their  manner  of  ranking  intemperance. 
At  the  same  time  the  statistics  give  undeniable  evi- 
dence that  some  of  our  co-laborers,  having  found  in- 
temperance to  be  a  cause,  were  more  disjjosed  than 
others  to  regard  it  as  more  active  than  the  other  causes 


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59.36 
64.20 
27.53 
44.91 
73.84 
31.40 
46.82 
58.31 
55.17 
40.00 
38.39 
35.00 
53.78 
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4.130 
6.90 
2.60 
7.18 

7.72 
5.99 
5.66 

17.55 
2.33 

16.90 
9.83 

28.05 

17.02 

9.20 
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31.46 
6.90 
20.95 
31.96 
3.83 
16.95 
21.60 
12.50 
21.30 
16.33 
36.62 
27.14 
42.57 
51.38 
19..51 
28.73 
26.13 

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64.04 
86.20 
70.45 
60.86 
96.17 
75.33 
72.41 
81.84 
61.15 
81. .34 
46.48 
63.03 
29..38 
31.60 
80.49 
62.07 
73.37 

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158  THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

operative  in  the  same  case.  Yet,  after  all,  the  vital 
point  in  the  investigation,  as  well  as  the  test  of  its 
accuracy,  is  the  extent  to  which  intemperance  is  a  cause 
of  crime,  no  matter  what  its  rank,  and  how  far  the 
returns  in  this  respect  are  in  substantial  agreement. 
We  have  already  referred  to  the  reasons  for  the  small 
percentage  of  intemperance  in  the  Sing  Sing  prison. 
Next  lowest  is  that  of  the  state  prison  of  New  Hamp- 
shire. In  proportion  to  the  total  number  of  convicts, 
which  is  very  small,  it  has  lately  recruited  more  pris- 
oners from  the  classes  supposedly  free  from  crime  than 
most  of  the  other  prisons  ;  more,  for  instance,  than 
that  of  Maine.  Convicts  of  native  extraction  were 
also  more  numerous  than  usual. 

Whether  the  abnormally  high  percentage  for  the 
Connecticut  prison  is  attributable  to  any  unusual  cir- 
cumstance, or  reflects  a  particularly  severe  construction 
of  the  term  intemperance,  we  are  unprepared  to  say. 

Attention  is  called  to  the  percentages  for  the  re- 
formatories of  New  York  and  Illinois.  Not  only  are 
they  close  together,  but  they  occupy  a  middle  ground 
between  the  extremes  in  the  column. 

As  a  final  result  we  learn  that  intemperance  was 
on  the  average  a  cause  of  crime  in  49.95  per  cent,  of 
13,402  convicts,  while  as  a  principal  cause  intemper- 
ance occurred  on  the  average  in  31.18  per  cent,  of  all 
cases.  The  former  percentage  is  the  all-important. 
It  stands,  we  believe,  for  an  approximate  expression  of 
the  truth.  In  the  nature  of  the  case,  nothing  more 
can  be  claimed  for  it. 

Statistics  resulting  from  other  investigations  of  crime 
causes  are  not  readily  comparable  with  ours,  since  none 
have  been  conducted  on  precisely  the  same  lines. 


RELATIONS  TO  CRIME.  159 

In  the  investigation  recently  made  by  the  Massachu- 
setts Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  it  is  shown  that,  in 
50.88  per  cent,  of  all  convictions  for  other  crimes  than 
drunkenness,  "  the  intemperate  habits  of  the  criminal 
led  to  a  condition  which  induced  the  crime"  (26th 
Annual  Report,  p.  137).  This  investigation  was  re- 
stricted to  institutions  in  Massachusetts,  but  embraced 
the  inmates  of  all  minor  penal  establishments.  In- 
temperance was  the  only  crime  cause  considered.  As- 
suming, however,  that  other  causes  than  intemperance 
were  active  in  the  Massachusetts  cases,  and  that  the 
percentage  50.88  practically  means  that  to  this  ex- 
tent intemperance  was  a  cause  leading  to  a  condition 
which  induced  crime,  the  agreement  between  these  fig- 
ures and  ours  is  too  striking  to  need  further  comment. 

Of  233  cases  of  convicts  in  the  Sing  Sing  and 
Auburn  prisons.  New  York,  Mr.  Dugdale  found  that 
of  those  who  had  committed  crimes  against  the  person, 
40.47  per  cent,  were  habitual  drunkards,  while  of 
those  convicted  of  crimes  against  property,  38.74  per 
cent,  were  habitual  drunkards.  Of  the  former  about 
38  per  cent,  and  of  the  latter  about  43  per  cent.,  came 
from  intemperate  families.  Among  176  habitual  crim- 
inals, 45.45  per  cent,  came  from  intemperate  families 
and  42.61  per  cent,  were  habitual  drunkards.  (The 
Jukes,  p.  187.) 

In  the  Statistique  Penitentiaire  Suisse,  1893,  we 
are  told  that  in  30.80  per  cent,  of  3142  convicts  (228 
females)  drink  was  the  direct  cause  of  crime.  All 
minor  prisons  were  included  in  this  investigation. 
Neither  in  this  country  or  abroad  have  other  investiga- 
tions of  this  nature  come  to  our  notice. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  RELATIONS  OF  THE  NEGROES  TO  THE  LIQUOR 
PROBLEM. 

In  the  studies  hitherto  made  of  the  Negro  problem, 
references  to  the  drink  question  are  conspicuous  only 
by  their  absence.  No  reputable  author,  so  far  as 
known,  has  seized  on  the  liquor  habit  to  explain  the 
source  of  the  most  deplorable  social  traits  observable 
among  the  present-day  Negroes,  —  shiftlessness  and 
consequent  poverty,  the  development  of  a  distinctly 
criminal  class,  and  immorality.  Is  it  that  the  rela- 
tions of  the  Negroes  to  drink,  being  overshadowed  by 
graver  aspects  of  the  problem,  have  escaped  serious 
study,  or  is  the  race  as  yet  comparatively  untouched 
by  the  ravages  of  intemperance?  It  is  certainly 
remarkable  that  in  the  teeming  discussions  of  the 
barriers  to  the  second  emancipation  of  the  race,  the 
coming  of  which  lacks  not  for  prophets,  little  if  any 
attention  is  paid  the  subject  of  inebriety.  Yet  no 
one  ventures  to  assume  that  the  colored  people  are 
wholly  untainted  by  this  vice.  What,  then,  are  their 
habits  and  peculiarities  with  respect  to  the  use  of 
alcoholic  beverages,  and  what  are  its  palpable  conse- 
quences ?  Categorical  answers  are  perhaps  impossible. 
The  subject  becomes  most  easily  approachable  when 
the  rural  and  urban  populations  are  considered  sepa- 
rately.    What  applies  to  the  country  Negro,  especially 


RELATIONS   TO   THE  NEGROES.  161 

the  primitive  plantation  darky,  may  not  be  equally 
true  of  his  city-bred  brother,  who,  if  not  far  beyond 
him  in  real  advancement,  is  more  learned  in  the  wicked 
ways  of  the  world.  Since  the  rural  Negroes  consti- 
tute about  80  per  cent,  of  the  9,000,000  or  10,00(f,000 
colored  in  the  United  States,  their  relations  to  the 
drink  question  are  of  the  greater  interest ;  and  some 
light  on  what  they  are  may  be  gleaned  from  a  study 
of  local  conditions  in  a  typical  plantation  community 
in  the  black  belt  of  the  South. 

Such  a  community  is  Lowndes  County,  Ala.,^  popu- 
lation 32,000,  of  which  28,000  are  black  and  4000 
white.  It  is  situated  in  the  land  of  big  cotton  plan- 
tations, the  largest  town  having,  in  1890,  500  inhab- 
itants, and  the  county-seat  350.  Before  the  war  it 
was  a  region  of  commercial  slavery,  containing  few 
of  the  patriarchal  type  of  planters,  and  to-day  is  the 
region  of  crop  mortgage  farming.  Since  1890  the 
county  has  been  "  dry,"  that  is,  there  are  no  saloons. 
"  Blind  tigers,"  both  of  the  stationary  and  "  walking  " 
varieties,  abound.  The  small  country  store  is  the 
"  blind  tiger."  There  are  no  kitchen-bars,  nor  is 
liquor  sold  from  the  cabins.  There  is  no  difficulty  in 
getting  liquor,  but  the  whites  procure  theirs  through 
the  blacks,  which  lessens  the  risk  of  the  white  "  blind 
tiger."  The  Negro  monopolizes  the  "walking  blind 
tiger"  business;  he  carries  a  whiskey  flask  and  sells 
drinks  at  five  cents  apiece.  Some  of  this  retail  sale  is 
done  by  Negroes  for  the  whites,  but  most  of  it  is  on 

1  For  the  facts  contained  in  this  sketch,  the  committee  is  in- 
debted to  the  Rev.  Pitt  Dillingham,  Principal  of  Calhoun  Colored 
School. 


162  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

the  black  man's  own  account.  No  liquor  is  sold  in  the 
small  county  stores  to  be  drunk  on  the  premises ;  jugs 
and  bottles  are  emptied  outside,  in  the  rear  of  the 
store  or  vicinity.  Not  much  is  taken  into  the  cabins 
except  on  special  occasions.  Liquor  is  supplied  from 
the  city  of  Montgomery,  in  the  adjoining  county  of  the 
same  name,  which  is  under  license.  Colored  people 
are  not  allowed  to  buy  liquors  on  credit ;  and  as  ready 
money  is  very  scarce  among  them,  this  helps  to  check 
the  expenditure  for  drink.  A  man  with  good  credit 
at  a  given  store  may  sometimes  obtain  liquor  without 
paying  cash,  but  this  is  the  exception  to  the  rule. 
There  are  no  arrests  for  drunkenness,  either  of  colored 
people  or  white.  In  license  days  a  Negro  who  got 
drunk  was  perhaps  shut  up  in  a  cotton-house  for  a  few 
hours,  but  this  was  done  by  the  liquor-seller,  not  by 
the  constable. 

Liquors  are  little  used  in  the  cabins  except  on  Christ- 
mas Day,  when  drinking  is  universal.  It  is  a  part  of 
tlie  Southern  custom.  In  slavery  time  it  was  the  habit 
of  the  master  to  send  gin  or  whiskey  to  the  cabins 
Christmas  morning.  Large  planters  have  preserved 
this  custom  so  far  as  the  "  hands  "  who  rent  from  them 
are  concerned,  if  the  planters  live  on  the  plantation, 
which  is  not  common.  Every  cabin  buys  its  half  gallon 
of  whiskey  (price  one  dollar)  for  Christmas,  and  open 
house  is  kept.  The  first  eggnog  is  taken  before  break- 
fast, and  is  followed  by  eggnogs  throughout  the  day. 
Many  get  "  pretty  full,"  but  not  many  "  down  drunk." 
The  custom  of  drinking  at  weddings  and  funerals  is 
not  observed,  except  that  "  walking  blind  tigers  "  may 
sell  five-cent  drinks  to  those  outside  the  house. 


RELATIONS   TO   THE   NEGROES.  163 

Saturday  is  store  day  and  genera '  loafing  and  drink- 
ing day.  Some  Negroes  hunt  hard  for  small  cash  jobs 
on  Saturday,  such  as  garden  work,  c  itting  wood  for  the 
whites,  in  order  to  get  a  nickel  or  dime  for  whiskey. 
Scarcely  any  wine,  very  little  beer,  and  not  much  cider 
is  taken;  whiskey  is  the  standard  drink.  Saturday- 
night  drinking,  being  largely  social,  is  accompanied  by 
much  treating.  Each  man  belongs  to  a  "  crowd,"  made 
up  generally  of  six  persons,  who  divide  a  quart-bottle 
of  whiskey.  On  account  of  the  treating  habit,  men 
drink  more  than  they  otherwise  would.  In  license  days, 
a  man  would  take  his  wife  and  children  into  the  saloon, 
and  all  lined  up  at  the  bar.  Under  prohibition,  women 
and  children  drink  less,  although  the  so-called  "  rough 
women  "  imbibe  a  good  deal,  and  some  of  the  better 
class  will  take  liquor  in  the  cabins,  or  with  their  hus- 
bands, on  Saturday  night.  There  is  little  or  no  habit- 
ual drunkenness  among  the  Negroes  of  Lowndes 
County.  At  most  a  man  goes  on  a  heavy  spree  at 
Christmas  time,  or  now  and  then  gets  "  pretty  full  "  on 
a  Saturday  night.  But  no  colored  drunkard  has  yet 
presented  himself  whose  habits  interfered  with  his  work 
on  his  own  land,  or  prevented  him  from  getting  employ- 
ment. Among  the  whites  of  the  county  there  are  some 
whiskey  wrecks  of  the  worst  kind.  A  colored  man  of 
very  large  experience  estimates  that  poor  "  renters," 
corresponding  to  laborers  in  the  North,  spend  on  an 
average  fifty  cents  a  week  (buying  ten  drinks),  or  about 
twenty-five  dollars  a  year,  for  whiskey.  This  would 
mean  that  one  bale  of  five-cent  cotton,  raised  by  very 
hard  labor  on  three  acres  of  land,  goes  to  whiskey.  Ten 
bales  of  cotton  being  an  average  yield  from  a  one-mule 


164  THE    LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

farm  of  thirty  acr^s  in  Lowndes  County,  the  renter 
thus  tithes  his  inco  ne  to  the  liquor-seller.  The  better 
Negroes  regard  th  3  abolition  of  the  open  saloon  as  a 
gain,  especially  for  the  women  and  young  people.  The 
license  laws  were  largely  broken  while  the  county 
was  legally  "  wet,"  and  sales  to  minors  and  on  Sundays 
were  common.  There  are  no  temperance  organiza- 
tions among  the  colored,  but  the  church  exercises  some 
restraint  in  certain  cases.  Members  are  occasionally 
"  pulled  up  "  by  the  minister  or  deacon,  and  the  better 
ministers  (not  many)  preach  against  the  drink  habit. 

Reports  from  other  rural  black  districts  under  local 
prohibition,  in  Alabama,  Georgia,  Mississippi,  Louisi- 
ana, and  Texas,  agree  in  essentials  so  closely  with  the 
statements  regarding  Lowndes  County  that  it  would  be 
a  waste  of  space  to  give  details.  The  best  conditions 
are  observable  in  places  to  which  Negroes  have  immi- 
grated within  recent  years,  in  hopes  of  bettering  their 
position.  Texas  furnishes  some  notable  examples.  Less 
favorable,  but  not  strikingly  so,  are  the  accounts  from 
some  license  communities.  It  should  be  remembered, 
however,  that  by  far  the  greater  area  of  the  agricul- 
tural South  is  under  local  prohibition  most  of  the  time  ; 
and  where  it  does  not  embrace  a  whole  county,  the 
legalized  sale  of  liquor  is  generally  excluded  from  the 
places  where  drinkers  are  likely  to  congregate.  The 
whole  State  of  South  Carolina  is  under  a  system  of 
liquor  control  which,  according  to  the  nearly  unanimous 
testimony  of  reliable  men,  has  visibly  checked  drinking 
among  the  Negroes. 

Under  license,  women  seem  to  drink  more  freely, 
while  the  gathering  of  men  at  village  bars,  especially 


RELATIONS   TO   THE   NEGROES.  165 

on  Saturday  night,  gives  rise  to  much  noisy  hilarity 
and  disorder.  On  "excursions,"  common  enough  in 
various  parts  of  the  South  to  be  a  nuisance,  and  at 
other  semi-pubKc  enter tainments,  many  carry  their  own 
"  refreshments,"  as  intoxicants  are  called,  or,  more  fre- 
quently, the  privilege  of  the  refreshment  stand  is  sold 
to  the  highest  bidder,  who  may  be  a  white  man  nearly 
as  often  as  a  black.  At  camp  meetings,  "  big  meetings," 
and  kindred  religious  gatherings,  the  bar  is  sometimes 
the  principal  attraction.  But  whether  the  community 
be  legally  dry  or  legally  wet,  instances  of  habitual 
drunkenness  are  exceedingly  rare.  Much  evidence 
may  be  found  to  support  the  theory  that  the  type  of 
common  drunkard,  with  an  inherited  appetite  for  in- 
toxicants, has  not  yet  developed  among  the  country 
Negroes.  It  is  but  a  generation  ago  since  they  and 
their  forbears  were  forcibly  kept  out  of  harm's  way. 
The  coming  of  emancipation  did  not  remove  of  a  sud- 
den all  social  restraints.  The  plantation  darky  did  not 
at  once  find  his  way  to  the  white  man's  bar,  and  it  was 
longer  still  before  he  found  the  wherewithal  to  indulge 
freely  in  any  desire  for  drink.  His  poverty  even  now 
helps  to  keep  him  sober,  but  it  is  just  as  true  that  he  is 
not  possessed  by  an  iincontrollable  craving  for  drink. 

Summing  up  well-attested  facts  about  the  relations 
of  the  country  Negroes,  the  most  striking  is  the  com- 
parative absence  of  habitual  inebriety.  They  are  con- 
vivial by  nature  and  delight  in  the  social  side  of  drink- 
ing. Abstinence  from  principle  is  rare.  Once  in  a 
while  they  get  drunk,  but  rarely  go  off  on  prolonged 
sprees.  Steady  tippling  in  the  cabins  is  practically 
unknown.      The  effect  of  a  debauch  wears  off  with 


166  THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

singular  rapidity,  and  does  not  seem  to  weaken  them  to 
the  extent  of  incapacitating  them  for  work.  Getting 
drunk  is  regarded  as  quite  excusable  and  not  particu- 
larly degrading.  The  worst  among  the  women  drink 
freely,  but  they  are  seldom  seen  tipsy.  On  the  other 
hand,  while  a  propensity  for  liquor  does  not  seem  to 
reduce  their  earning  capacity  or  prevent  employment, 
as  a  class  they  drink  much  more  than  they  can  afford. 
Extravagance  in  this  direction  does  not  necessarily 
make  them  applicants  for  relief,  but  tends  to  keep 
them  poor,  or  at  least  poorer  than  they  otherwise  would 
be.  Greater  prosperity,  however,  does  not  appear  to 
lead  to  an  increased  outlay  for  liquor ;  quite  the  con- 
trary. The  prosperous  Negro  farmer  craves  nothing 
better  than  the  same  nickel  whiskey  which  he  pur- 
chased at  such  sacrifice  in  his  earlier  days.  Intem- 
perance apparently  grows  less  as  the  race  advances. 
This  is  notably  the  case  in  districts  that  have  profited 
most  by  the  influence  of  such  schools  as  those  at  Hamp- 
ton and  Tuskegee.  Certain  rural  districts  in  Virginia 
furnish  striking  examples.  Except  as  a  "  boot-legger  " 
or  "  walking  blind  tiger,"  the  country  Negro  is  not 
likely  to  engage  in  liquor  selling.  He  rarely  has  suffi- 
cient capital  to  buy  a  license,  provided  there  is  opjjor- 
tunity  to  get  one  ;  and  it  must  be  said  that  the  more 
prosperous  show  little  inclination  for  this  occupation. 

In  the  remote  hill  and  mountain  regions,  where  corn 
is  the  staple,  the  Negro  not  infrequently  takes  to 
moonshining  on  a  small  scale.  It  pays  him  better  to 
turn  the  corn  into  liquor  than  to  haul  it  to  a  distant 
market.  He  cannot  understand  why  the  government 
should  interfere  in  so  small  a  matter,  and  regards  it 


RELATIONS  TO  THE  NEGROES.       167 

as  unaccountable  persecution.  The  abundance  of 
raw  corn  whiskey  doubtless  leads  to  much  drinking. 
Habitual  inebriety  is,  however,  disproportionately  less 
than  among  the  whites  of  the  same  districts.  This  is 
said  with  a  full  knowledge  of  the  relatively  small 
colored  j^opulation  in  these  places. 

A  darker  picture  meets  one  in  the  phosphate  fields 
of  Florida,  the  iron  mines  of  Alabama,  and  the  coal-pits 
of  West  Virginia,  and  other  similar  places  where  the 
roughest  Negro  element  is  employed.  Living  little 
better  than  animals,  and  in  other  ways  not  far  removed 
from  barbarism,  it  is  natural  that  they  indulge  in 
drink  as  one  of  their  vices.  Unscrupulous  bosses,  es- 
pecially in  the  coal-fields  of  West  Virginia,  pander  to 
this  vice  by  furnishing  liquor  from  the  company  stores 
or  in  other  ways  on  credit,  deducting  the  amount  thus 
spent  from  the  wages.  The  wild  orgies  in  mining 
camps,  in  which  women  also  take  part,  or  the  revels  in 
near-by  towns,  with  their  accompaniment  of  stabbing 
and  shooting  affrays,  furnish  many  a  paragraph  to  the 
sensational  press.  But  even  among  these  Negroes,  — 
creatures  largely  of  a  miserable  environment,  —  steady 
hard  drinking  is  exceptional,  and  does  not  detract 
much  from  their  ability  as  workmen. 

Data  relative  to  the  liquor  habits  of  the  Negroes  liv- 
ing in  cities  have  been  secured  through  special  reports 
(supplemented  in  part  by  the  investigations  of  the 
writer)  from  Richmond  and  Norfolk,  in  Virginia ; 
Ealeigh,  Durham,  and  Charlotte,  in  North  Carolina ; 
Columbia  and  Charleston,  in  South  Carolina  ;  Atlanta 
and  Savannah,  in  Georgia  ;  Montgomery,  in  Alabama ; 
Knoxville,  in  Tennessee  ;  Vicksburg,  in  Mississippi ; 


168  THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

Lexington,  in  Kentucky ;  Baton  Rouge  and  New  Or- 
leans, in  Louisiana ;  and  San  Antonio,  in  Texas ;  not 
to  mention  smaller  places  like  Huntsville  and  Tal- 
ladega, in  Alabama,  etc.  One  need  not  go  further  to 
find  represented  every  phase  of  the  Negroes'  city  life. 
However  much  conditions  in  San  Antonio,  for  in- 
stance, may  vary  from  those  in  Columbia,  S.  C,  Negro 
life  in  all  Southern  centres  has  certain  common  charac- 
teristics which  it  is  well  to  bear  in  mind.  The  mass 
of  the  colored  live  in  comparative  poverty.  Not  many 
are  engaged  in  skilled  labor.  Cotton  and  other  mills 
are  largely  closed  against  Negro  labor.  The  further 
South  one  travels,  the  greater  the  reluctance  against 
admitting  them  to  the  trades^  and  the  greater  the 
number  engaged  in  unskilled  occupations,  of  which 
domestic  service  in  its  various  forms  is  one  of  the 
chief.  It  is  almost  a  rule  that  a  white  household 
with  colored  servants  must  expect  to  feed  and  some- 
times clothe  more  or  less  numerous  relatives  of  the 
latter,  albeit  without  directly  consenting  to  do  so. 
This  fact,  so  commonly  lamented  in  the  South,  enables 
no  mean  proportion  of  the  Negroes,  especially  the 
males,  to  live  in  a  state  of  semi-idleness.  It  must  fur- 
ther be  conceded  that,  on  the  whole,  the  cities  have  not 
attracted  the  most  energetic  and  unspoiled  Negroes, 
although  of  course  the  two  extremes  of  the  race  meet 
there.  Among  the  most  advanced  educators  it  has 
become  almost  a  truism  that  the  hope  for  the  future 
of  the  Negro  lies  in  keeping  him  on  the  soil  and  teach- 
ing him  how  to  till  it.  Both  as  to  vigor  and  virtue, 
Negro  life  seems  to  be  at  a  lower  ebb  in  the  cities  than 
in  the  country.     In  the  former,  therefore,  one  must 


RELATIONS  TO  THE  NEGROES.       169 

naturally  look  for  a  greater  degree  of  intemperance ; 
and  relatively  to  the  country  districts,  one  finds  it. 

It  is  another  question  whether  here  drunkenness  is 
proportionately  so  much  of  a  besetting  sin  among  the 
Negroes  as  among  the  whites.  Inferences  from  super- 
ficial observations  are  likely  to  lead  away  from  the 
truth.  The  frequency  of  Negro  brawls  in  saloons  and 
their  vicinity  on  Saturday  nights  makes  it  seem  ob- 
vious that  back  of  all  this  disorder  must  be  an  inordi- 
nate amount  of  drinking ;  but  we  should  not  forget  that 
intoxicants,  only  in  part  due  to  their  inferior  quality, 
affect  the  Negro  differently  from  the  white  man.  The 
former,  though  by  nature  an  amiable  and  easy-going 
being,  at  an  early  stage  of  intoxication  becomes  im- 
pudent, abusive,  and  quarrelsome.  So  long  as  he  is 
tolerated,  which  is  not  a  great  while,  he  lounges  about 
in  the  saloon.  Once  upon  the  street,  his  hilarity  and 
noisiness  continue.  When  the  average  white  man  tries 
to  find  his  way  home,  the  Negro  remains  at  large,  and 
quickly  lays  himself  ojjen  to  arrest  through  some  dis- 
orderly act.  Improper  conduct  on  his  part  is  less 
tolerated  than  in  a  white  man.  Notwithstanding  the 
statements,  coming  also  from  colored  people,  that  in 
most  cities  there  is  little  discrimination  made  between 
the  two  races  in  arresting  persons  for  intoxication,  the 
feeling  "  he  is  only  a  nigger "  too  often  determines 
the  action  of  the  policeman.  Nor  is  this  altogether 
unreasonable,  since  being  arrested  means  much  less  to 
the  lower  type  of  Negroes.  Of  course,  they  have  no 
money  to  pay  fines,  and  cannot  depend  on  friends,  yet 
they  fear  not  so  keenly  the  disgrace  of  the  chain-gang. 
During  the  thirty  days  of  servitude  awaiting  them  for 


170  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

a  more  aggravated  offense,  they  probably  get  just  as 
much  and  just  as  good  food  as  they  are  accustomed  to. 

Notwithstanding  the  greater  reason  and  probably 
also  propensity  for  clearing  the  streets  of  drunken 
Negroes,  it  would  be  difficult  to  argue  from  any  statis- 
tics of  arrests  for  drunkenness  that  intemperance  is 
relatively  commoner  among  the  Negroes  than  among 
the  whites.  On  the  contrary,  a  majority  of  the  police 
records  examined  show  that  proportionately  fewer 
colored  persons  are  arrested  for  simple  intoxication, 
although  a  disproportionate  number  of  arrests  for 
drunkenness  and  disorderly  conduct  may  be  marked 
against  them.  It  is  exceedingly  rare  to  find  any  col- 
ored persons  entered  under  the  rubric  "  common  drunk- 
ards." On  this  last  point  police  statistics  may  for 
once  be  taken  at  their  face  value  without  qualifying 
explanations. 

Much  of  the  too  free  indulgence  in  liquors  seems  to 
have  its  origin  in  the  Negro's  innate  love  of  show 
rather  than  in  a  strong  desire  for  drink.  With  the 
weekly  or  monthly  wages  in  his  pocket,  he  dearly  loves 
to  court  the  admiration  of  his  fellows  by  liberality  in 
spending,  and  the  bar  is  a  convenient  place  at  which 
to  display  his  roll  of  bills.  Treating  is  everywhere  a 
source  of  much  of  the  drunkenness.  Naturally  impro- 
vident, and  with  an  ingrained  aversion  to  prolonged 
hai'd  toil,  besides  being  underpaid,  the  average  city 
Negro  has  little  money  to  spend  for  drink.  When 
that  little  goes  to  the  saloon-keeper,  it  is  not,  as  a  rule, 
because  of  an  uncontrollable  craving  for  stimulants. 
Even  the  ragged  and  disreputable  sjaecimen  who  loafs 
about  saloon  entrances,  ready  to  run  errands  or  per- 


RELATIONS  TO   THE  NEGROES.  171 

form  any  odd  job  that  will  net  him  a  few  pennies  for 
liquor,  is  very  seldom  an  habitual  drunkard.  A  liberal 
infusion  of  white  blood,  if  not,  as  frequently  happens, 
tending  to  make  the  Negro  more  ambitious  and  self- 
respecting,  will,  it  is  said,  make  him  an  easier  victim 
to  intemperance  than  the  African  of  purer  blood. 
But  among  no  class  of  Negroes  is  intemperance  a 
serious  obstacle  to  securing  employment. 

If  lack  of  means  keeps  the  city  Negro  away  from  the 
front  of  the  bar  to  some  extent,  it  also  in  a  measure 
prevents  him  from  presiding  behind  it.  Few  Negroes 
keep  saloons.  Thus  in  Atlanta,  Ga.,  there  is  only 
one  kept  by  a  Negro  ;  in  Raleigh,  N.  C,  none ;  in  San 
Antonio,  Tex.,  four  out  of  the  seventy-five  in  the  whole 
city;  in  Lexington,  Ky.,  one ;  and  so  on.  The  great- 
est number  of  saloons,  or  rather  dives,  run  by  colored 
men  was  observed  in  Richmond.  Inability  to  pay  high 
license  fees  unquestionably  keeps  many  from  becoming 
liquor-sellers.  Neither  is  the  business  very  lucrative, 
for  the  patronage  of  the  dark-skinned  proprietor  is 
almost  wholly  confined  to  persons  of  his  own  hue ;  and 
oftener  than  not  these  show  a  decided  preference  for 
the  white  man's  saloon,  although  it  usually  provides 
separate  bars  for  the  two  races.  There  is,  moreover,  a 
rooted  objection  to  granting  liquor  licenses  to  Negroes, 
inasmuch  as  this  would  be  equivalent  to  establishing 
colored  centres  of  political  activity.  We  are  justified, 
however,  in  imputing  lack  of  inclination  for  liquor  sell- 
ing among  the  more  prosperous  Negroes  to  laudable 
motives. 

All  investigators  agree  that  intemperance  is  by  no 
means  one  of  the  common  vices  of  the  colored  women. 


172  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

The  lowest  of  the  sex  drink  a  great  deal,  and  some- 
times to  intoxication.  That  the  white  women  of  the 
South  drink  even  less  is  a  familiar  fact.  With  respect 
to  the  liquor  habits  of  both  sexes,  the  evidence  is  so 
harmonious  on  the  general  aspects  of  the  question  that 
the  exceptions  become  unimportant.  The  largest  cities, 
of  course,  present  the  greatest  contrasts  as  well  as  the 
worst  features.  In  New  Orleans,  for  example,  intem- 
perance, according  to  the  best  information  obtainable, 
has  taken  firmer  root  among  the  Negroes  than  in  any 
of  the  smaller  places. 

We  have  so  far  confined  our  attention  to  the  Ne- 
groes in  the  South.  It  remains  to  be  learned  whether 
their  brethren  in  the  North,  who  exclusively  inhabit 
cities,  sustain  like  relations  to  the  drink  problem. 
Conditions  in  Philadelphia,^  with  its  40,000  colored 
in  a  total  population  of  over  a  million  and  a  half,  may 
be  taken  as  fairly  illustrative.  There,  too,  the  mass 
of  the  colored  people  are  servants,  laborers,  porters, 
etc.,  but  with  an  aristocracy  of  caterers,  professional 
men,  and  small  merchants.  A  large  immigration  from 
the  South  in  the  last  15  years  has  increased  crime  and 
poverty.  In  the  seventh  ward,  where  the  Negroes 
centre,  there  are  fifty-two  saloons,  but  only  two  are 
kept  by  colored  men,  though  the  Negroes  have  free 
access  to  all.  The  habits  of  Negroes  in  this  city  in  re- 
gard to  intoxicants  are  undergoing  a  great  and  marked 

• 

^  For  the  facts  about  Philadelphia  the  committee  is  indebted 

to  W.  E.  Burghardt  Du  Bois,  Ph.  D.,  who  especially  through  his 

researches  in  preparing  the  work,   The  Philadelphia  Negro :   A 

Social  Study,  has  had  uuequaled  opportunities  for  studying  local 

conditions. 


RELATIONS  TO  THE  NEGROES.  173 

change.  Formerly  the  slaves  had  license  to  get  drunk 
at  Christmas,  and  to  steal  a  dram  at  other  times. 
Drunkenness  was  confined  to  Christmas  time,  and  was 
then  widespread.  Distilled  liquors  were  generally 
used  then.  When,  under  the  restrictions  of  a  slave 
regime,  amusements  were  permitted,  much  drinking 
resulted.  On  the  other  hand,  this  system  kept  the 
habit  of  drinking  out  of  the  homes  and  away  from 
the  meals.  After  emancijiation  these  habits  persisted, 
and  drinking  was  confined  to  holidays  and  public  social 
gatherings.  At  private  amusements  bottles  were  often 
brought  and  emptied  suh  rosa,  seldom  openly. 

The  Xegro  church,  with  its  sweejDing  condemnation 
of  amusements,  made  excesses  at  public  gatherings  its 
especial  point  of  attack,  and  undoubtedly  did  much  to 
discourage  drinking  among  Negroes  of  the  better  class. 
Nevertheless,  much  drinking  prevailed  :  bottles  were 
carried  to  church  and  on  excursions  ;  and  in  the  dance 
halls,  which  the  church  entirely  surrendered  to  the 
devil,  there  continued  to  be  more  or  less  open  drink- 
ing, but  very  seldom  open  sale. 

Lately  a  reaction  has  set  in,  and  a  change  of  mo- 
mentous importance  ;  drinking  among  the  masses  of 
Negroes  is  changing  from  a  public  to  a  private  cus- 
tom ;  from  a  habit  of  the  excursion,  dance,  and  picnic 
to  a  habit  of  home  life ;  from  excessive  periodic  in- 
dulgence to  a  sparing  regular  partaking ;  from  a  use 
of  strong  distilled  liquors  to  a  use  of  beer.  This 
change  is  distinctly  noticeable  in  Philadelphia.  The 
custom  of  beer  drinking  is  increasing,  but  the  amount 
of  drunkenness  does  not  correspondingly  increase, 
and  is  perhaps  actually  decreasing.    Excessive  use  and 


174  THE  LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

secret  indulgence  in  liquor  is  giving  place  to  beer  as  a 
table  drink  or  evening  beverage,  used  without  conceal- 
ment of  any  kind.  This  change  has  not  gone  very  far 
as  yet,  but  it  is  j^erceptible,  and  growing  among  the 
great  mass  of  working-class  Negroes.  At  the  same 
time,  among  the  better  classes  and  the  upper  class  of 
working  people,  all  use  of  liquor  in  public  and  in  the 
homes  is  frowned  upon,  and  is  only  thus  used  by  older 
members  of  the  family  in  secret.  A  secondary  result 
of  this  change  in  drinking  habits,  which  is  also  a  result 
of  the  Philadelphia  saloon  system,  is  the  increase  of 
drinking  in  clubs  and  "  speak-easies."  This  represents 
the  transition  stage  between  home  indulgence  and 
saloon  drinking.  It  is  peculiarly  dangerous,  as  its  ease 
and  company  is  apt  to  lead  to  fixed  habits  and  regular 
indulgence.  Moreover,  in  Philadelphia  it  is  almost 
always  accompanied  by  gambling,  and  the  conversa- 
tion runs  to  women  and  crime. 

The  situation  is  without  doubt  better  than  formerly, 
but  may  result  in  substituting  for  the  occasional  excess 
of  the  minority  a  widespread  habit  of  regular  indul- 
gence among  the  mass,  and  this  in  turn  may  in  another 
generation  lead  to  more  dangerous  excess.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  development  may  lead  from  stronger 
to  lighter  drinks,  and  from  public  drunkenness  to 
occasional  conviviality,  thus  in  the  end  lessening  the 
danger  from  drink.  At  present  there  is  room  for 
congratulation  on  the  improvement  made  over  the 
past. 

In  his  work,  "  The  Philadelphia  Negro,"  Dr.  Du 
Bois  tells  of  an  attempt  made  in  the  winter  of  1897  to 
count  the  frequenters  of  certain  saloons  in  the  seventh 


RELATIONS   TO   THE   NEGROES.  175 

ward  of  Philadelphia  (the  centre  of  Negro  settlement) 
during-  the  hours  from  eight  to  ten  on  a  Saturday 
night.  "  It  was  impracticable  to  make  this  count  in 
all  of  the  saloons  simultaneously,  or  to  cover  all  of  the 
fifty-two  liquor-shops,  but  eight  or  ten  were  watched 
each  night  until  data  from  twenty-six  saloons  in  the 
part  of  the  ward  chiefly  inhabited  by  colored  people 
were  obtained.  The  results  form  a  rough  measurement 
of  the  drinking  habits  of  the  ward.  In  the  two  hours 
the  following  count  was  made  for  twenty-six  saloons : 
Persons  entering  the  saloons,  3170.  Negroes,  1586 : 
male,  1373,  female,  213.  Whites,  1584 :  male,  1445, 
female,  139.  The  observers  stationed  near  these 
saloons  saw  in  all  seventy-nine  drunken  persons,  of 
whom  a  small  majority  were  white." 

In  the  part  of  the  ward  in  which  the  count  was 
made,  the  Negroes  —  and  they  are  the  least  advanced 
of  the  race  —  outnumber  the  whites,  although  for  the 
whole  ward  the  former  represent  less  than  one  half  of 
the  total  population. 

Probably  not  so  many  Negroes,  proportionately,  are 
arrested  for  drunkenness  as  whites.  The  police  statis- 
tics make  no  distinction  as  to  color.  It  is  not  found 
that  a  very  large  proportion  of  wages  goes  for  drink, 
though  the  expenditure  in  this  respect  is  considerable 
for  a  poor  people.  Treating  is  common,  but  not  carried 
to  great  excess.  Dr.  Du  Bois  says,  "  I  have  not  found 
drunkenness  among  Negroes  ever  mentioned  as  a  cause 
of  their  losing  employment  in  this  city." 

On  the  whole,  there  are  indications  that  the  North- 
ern Negro  indulges  more  regularly  in  alcoholic  drinks, 
especially  those  of  a  lighter  kind,  than  his  fellows  in 


176  THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

the  South,  but  not  that  he  is  generally  more  intem- 
perate. 

The  survey  just  completed  tends  to  establish  three 
imjjortant  facts :  (1)  That  comparatively  few  Negroes 
are  habitual  drunkards,  (2)  that  intemperance  is  only 
accountable  for  a  small  part  of  the  Negro's  backward 
condition,  his  poverty  and  anti-social  conduct,  and 
(3)  that  but  in  exceptional  cases  is  inebriety  a  barrier 
to  his  steady  employment.  Evidence  of  an  alarming 
increase  in  drunkenness  is  wholly  wanting,  but  both  as 
to  country  and  city  Negroes  it  is  generally  observed 
that  the  drink  habit  has  the  firmest  hold  on  the 
younger  members  of  the  race.  On  this  last  point  Mr. 
F.  L.  Hoffman  remarks,  "  Personally  I  have  observed 
very  little  intemperance  among  the  older  colored  peo- 
ple, but  have  met  with  many  cases  among  the  young 
men  of  the  present  generation."  (Race  Traits  and 
Tendencies  of  the  American  Negro,  p.  125.) 

Since  so  many  of  our  statements  rest  on  the  testimony 
of  colored  men,  in  whom  a  desire  to  put  the  matter 
most  favorably  would  be  both  natural  and  excusable, 
it  is  interesting  to  see  how  far  it  agrees  with  the  views 
of  white  men  of  the  South.  We  reproduce  below,  in 
tabular  form,  the  replies  to  a  circular  letter  received 
from  ninety-six  white  Southerners,  nearly  all  of  whom 
are  men  of  local  and  some  of  national  prominence  in 
different  walks  of  life.  All  the  Southern  States  and 
about  eighty-five  localities,  for  the  greater  part  cities 
and  towns,  are  represented.  A  majority  of  the  corre- 
spondents have  amplified  the  yes  and  no  answers, 
giving  reasons  for  their  replies,  or  showing  that  they 
had    consulted    others,    for    instance,    police    officials, 


RELATIONS  TO  THE  NEGROES. 


177 


judges,  large  employers  of  colored  help,  etc.,  on  the 
different  points  raised.  A  spirit  of  kindly  interest  in 
the  Negro's  welfare  breathes  through  most  of  the 
replies.  The  few  coming  from  unreconstructed  South- 
erners, who  see  nothing  but  a  menace  in  the  jjresence 
of  a  free  colored  people,  are  decidedly  the  least  favor- 
able. 


Questions 


Yes 


No 


Not  an- 
swered 


1.  Axe  habitual    drunkards  proportionately  as 

numerous  among  the  Negroes  as  among  the 
whites  ? 

2.  Is  dnmkenness  a  common  -vice  am.ong  Negro 

women  ? 

3.  Do  the  Negroes  commonly  use  liquor  to  ex- 

cess in  their  homes  or  at  social  gatherings  ? 

4.  Do  they  habitually  buy  liquor  on  credit  ? 

5.  Do  you  regard  the  liquor   habit  as  a  chief 

cause  of  their  shiftlessness  and  consequent 
impoverished  condition  ? 

6.  or  as  an  important  cause  ? 

7.  Do  you  regard  the  liquor  habit  as  a  chief 

cause  of  disorderly  and  immoral  conduct 
among  them  ? 

8.  or  as  an  important  cause  ? 

9.  Is  it  your  experience  that  the  liquor  habit 

seriously  impairs  the  efficiency  of  the  Ne- 
gro as  an  employee  ? 

10.  Is  intemperance,  in  your  judgment,  increas- 

ing among  the  Negroes  ? 

11.  Do  you  observe  that  any  special  efforts  are 

being  made  to  promote  sobriety  among  the 
Negroes,  for  instance,  by  organizing  ab- 
stinence societies,  providing  coffee  houses 
or  other  substitutes  for  the  saloon,  etc  ?     . 


If  the  above  replies,  since  unfortified  by  facts  and 
figures,  may  not  be  regarded  as  much  more  than  ex- 
pressions of  opinion,  they  are  at  least  remarkable  as 
showing  substantially  the  same  drift  of  opinion. 
Some  of  our  correspondents   have  stated   their  views 


13 

83 

10 

86 

19 
5 

77 
91 

2 
21 

94 
75 

5 
42 

91 
54 

14 

82 

23 

70 

6 

90 

178  THE   LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

much  more  emphatically  than  the  simple  yes  or  no  an- 
swers would  imply.  Thus,  an  archdeacon  of  the  Epis- 
copal Church  (white)  in  a  well-known  Southern  city, 
who  can  truly  say  of  himself,  "  I  am  able  to  claim  a 
pretty  thorough  knowledge  of  the  Negro,  as  my  whole 
life  has  been  passed  side  by  side  with  him,  first  on  '  de 
ole  plantashun,'  and  now  for  many  years  as  a  mission- 
ary to  do  him  good,"  remarks  among  other  things :  — 

"  I  have  known  in  all  my  life  but  two  or  three 
habitual  drunkards  among  the  Negroes.  I  have 
known  so  few  drinking  women  that  I  cannot  now  re- 
call a  definite  instance."  He  does  not  disguise  the 
fact,  however,  that  Negroes  frequently  get  drunk,  but 
adds,  "  there  it,  as  a  rule,  ends  for  the  time." 

The  replies  to  questions  5,  6,  7,  and  8  must  be  read 
with  some  qualifications.  Shiftlessness  is  by  all  held 
to  be  an  inborn  Negro  trait,  for  which  intemperance  is 
in  no  way  responsible  ;  it  is  characteristic  of  the  ab- 
stemious as  well  as  of  the  inebriate  black,  a  part  of  his 
inheritance.  The  two  affirmative  answers  to  question 
5  only  indicate  that  drink  is  regarded  as  a  chief  cause 
of  poverty,  not  of  shiftlessness.  So,  too,  the  twenty- 
three  affirmative  replies  to  question  6,  which  apply 
exclusively  to  Negroes  in  populous  centres,  do  not 
touch  on  the  matter  of  shiftlessness,  or  "  thriftless- 
ness,"  as  some  prefer  to  call  it ;  and  the  sense  of  them 
is  that  the  average  Negro  would  remain  poor  regard- 
less of  his  drink  habits,  but  that  the  squandering  of  a 
large  part  of  his  earnings  for  liquor  makes  him  still 
poorer. 

Further,  all  agree  in  denying  any  direct  relationship 
between  the  Negro's  immorality,  in   the   meaning  of 


RELATIONS  TO  THE  NEGROES.  179 

sexual  vice,  and  his  drink  habits,  although  a  few  have 
observed  that  the  use  of  intoxicants  seems  to  stimulate 
his  passion.  The  affirmative  replies  to  questions  7 
and  8  relate,  therefore,  wholly  to  the  kind  of  disorderly 
conduct  that  in  police  records  is  usually  coupled  with 
drunkenness,  such  as  turbulence,  quarrels,  and  fights. 
Outbreaks  of  this  order  are,  however,  commonly  the 
fruits  of  an  ungovernable  temper,  to  which  the  Negro 
is  a  greater  slave  than  ordinarily  supposed.  "  We 
find,"  says  Mr.  Bruce,  "that  the  greater  number  of 
brawls  .  .  .  have  their  incentive  in  the  vehement  pas- 
sions aroused  by  heated  disputes  as  to  the  proprietor- 
ship in  women."  ^  Nevertheless,  disorderly  conduct  is 
probably  to  a  larger  extent  than  the  replies  indicate 
the  product  of  intoxication. 

Nearly  all  our  correspondents  who  affirm  that  the 
liquor  habit  seriously  impairs  the  efficiency  of  the 
Negro  as  an  employee  explain  that  they  have  refer- 
ence to  the  few  habitually  intemperate  individuals 
coming  under  their  observation.  That  the  black  toper 
must  be  on  a  par  with  the  white  toper  as  to  efficiency 
and  reliability  is  a  somewhat  self-evident  proposi- 
tion. But  since  the  confirmed  colored  drunkards  are 
so  scarce,  and  the  occasional  drinkers,  as  all  admit, 
recover  with  singular  rapidity  from  the  effects  of  a 
debauch,  there  is  no  ground  left  for  the  belief  that 
employment  is  often  withheld  from  Negroes  on  account 
of  their  intemperance.  The  case  may,  of  course, 
assume  a  ne\V  aspect  when  ^^ej  can  everywhere  aspire 
to  something  better  than  the  lowliest  toil.  But  there 
is  another  side  to  our  question.     Instead  of  being  an 

'  Philip  A.  Bruce,  The  Plantation  Negro  as  a  Freeman,  p.  81. 


180  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

active  cause  of  non-employment,  tlie  liquor  habit  may 
spring  from,  or  be  fostered  through,  lack  of  occupation 
and  enforced  idleness.  The  labor  war  on  racial  lines 
now  waging  in  the  South,  and  in  which  the  Negro  is 
so  far  the  under  dog,  does  not  encourage  him  to  absti- 
nence or  any  other  virtues.  "  How  can  we  keep  our 
young  men  from  loafing  in  the  bar-rooms,"  laments 
one  of  the  leaders  of  the  colored  people,  "  so  long  as 
the  mills,  stores,  shops,  factories,  and  public  works 
are  closed  against  them  ?  I  see  man  after  man  drawn 
to  the  liquor  and  gambling  habits  through  enforced 
idleness  which  invites  to  these  vices."  The  tempta- 
tions engendered  by  idleness  beset  the  Negro  with 
peculiar  force,  because  the  social  side  of  his  nature  is 
so  abnormally  developed.  This  note  of  despair  is 
echoed  from  many  industrial  centres.  But  the  color 
line  is  not  so  tightly  drawn  in  all  places,  and  some  of 
these  complaints  are  but  poorly  concealed  attempts  to 
shift  the  responsibility  to  other  shoulders. 

In  the  chapter  on  Poverty,  we  found  intemperance 
to  be  the  direct  cause  of  want  in  9.15  per  cent,  and 
the  indirect  cause  in  5.09  per  cent,  of  2830  cases  of 
colored  people,  as  against  19.43  and  9.18  per  cent.,  re- 
spectively, of  the  27,093  cases  of  white  men  and  women 
investigated.  The  returns  yielding  percentages  so  re- 
markably favorable  to  the  Negroes  are  mainly  repre- 
sentative of  their  conditions  in  the  North.  Even  where 
admittedly  most  prevalent,  the  liquor  habit  is  thus 
only  responsible  for  a  small  percentage  of  the  Negro's 
poverty,  and  in  the  South  this  jjercentage  would 
probably  be  found  much  smaller.  An  instance  in 
point  may  be  related.     During  a  period  of  great  dis- 


RELATIONS  TO  THE  NEGROES.  181 

tress,  a  few  winters  ago,  the  writer  was  invited  by  the 
mayor  of  a  Southern  city  of  about  25,000  inhabitants, 
more  than  half  of  whom  are  colored,  to  be  present  at 
his  examination  of  applicants  for  public  relief.  Mot- 
ley throngs  of  from  seventy-five  to  one  hundred  per- 
sons, all  colored,  appeared  before  his  honor  on  several 
mornings  in  succession.  The  questioning  was  rigid 
enough  with  reference  to  the  liquor  habit.  So  few 
were  held  to  be  addicted  to  it,  even  in  the  milder 
forms,  that  the  writer  was  constrained  to  ask  if,  then, 
hardly  any  of  the  distress  could  be  attributed  to  in- 
temperance. "Not  six  in  one  hundred  are  in  want 
because  they  drink,"  was  the  reply.  Other  officials 
corroborated  this  statement ;  and  a  rough  investigation 
of  about  three  hundred  cases  on  subsequent  mornings 
proved  it  correct. 

As  intimated  in  the  chapter  on  Crime,  the  available 
statistics  regarding  colored  convicts  are  not  sufficiently 
comprehensive  to  warrant  any  general  conclusions 
about  the  relation  of  their  criminality  to  drink.  Petty 
larceny,  which  is  almost  a  Negro  habit  among  the 
ignorant  classes,  is  perhaps  as  often  instigated  by  pov- 
erty as  by  drink,  if  it  can  be  attributed  to  any  one 
cause.  The  same  is  largely  true  of  other  crimes 
against  property.  Of  the  more  violent  offenses  against 
the  person,  assaults  and  murders  are  known  to  be  com- 
mitted by  many  in  consequence  of  a  drunken  frenzy. 
This  is,  however,  not  true  of  rape,  much  less  of  the 
commoner  forms  of  immorality. 

In  the  medical  world  it  has  long  been  held  that 
alcoholism  or  delirium  tremens,  mortality  from  alco- 
holic diseases,  and  dipsomania  occur  less  frequently 


182  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

among  the  blacks  than  among  the  whites.  Dr.  Bil- 
lings, in  his  census  reports,  gives  statistics  showing  the 
comparatively  low  death  rate  from  alcoholism  among 
Negroes.  Commenting  upon  them,  Mr.  Hoffman  says : 
"  While  it  is  probable  that  the  Negro  indulges  in 
liquor  to  a  considerable  extent,  there  is  no  doubt  that 
he  suffers  less  in  consequence,  and  this  may  account 
for  the  low  mortality  rate  from  this  cause  "  (alco- 
holism). He  also  points  out  the  comparative  absence 
among  Negroes  of  liver  diseases  due  to  an  inordinate 
consumption  of  spirits. 

Dr.  Kerr,  than  whom  perhaps  no  one  has  given  the 
subject  closer  study,  speaks  of  the  Negroes  as  "  less 
liable  to  the  diseased  conditions  I  have  designated  as 
narcomania,  intoxicate  mania,  or  inebriety."  (Ine- 
briety, or  Narcomania,  by  Norman  S.  Kerr,  M.  D., 
p.  131.) 

Dr.  J.  W.  Babcock,  for  many  years  physician  and 
superintendent  of  the  South  Carolina  Lunatic  Asylum, 
holds  that  among  the  Negroes  insanity  due  to  dipso- 
mania is  "  still  comparatively  rare."  (Address  before 
the  National  Conference  of  Corrections  and  Charities, 
1895.) 

Medical  records  kept  during  the  civil  war  indicated 
that  Negro  soldiers  were  much  less  frequently  victims 
of  alcoholic  excesses  than  the  white.  Through  the 
courtesy  of  James  R.  Smith,  Colonel  and  Assistant 
Surgeon  General,  U.  S.  A.,  who  for  some  years  has 
studied  the  question  as  between  white  and  colored  sol- 
diers, we  are  able  to  give  some  statistics  of  recent  date. 
They  are  from  official  reports  made  by  him  while  medi- 


RELATIONS  TO  THE  NEGROES. 


183 


cal   director  of   the  military  departments  mentioned, 
and  are  presented  in  two  tables. 

NUMBER  OF  CASES  OF  WHITE  AND  COLORED  SOLDIERS,  KESPEC- 
TIATELY,  ADMITTED  TO  SICK  REPORT  FOR  INEBRIATION,  ALCOHOL- 
ISM, OR  DELIRIUM  TREMENS,  PER  THOUSAND  OF  CASES  ADMITTED 
TO   SICK   REPORT   FOR   ALL   CAUSES. 


Year 

Of 

colored 
soldiers 

Of 

white 
soldiers 

In  Military  Department  of 

Texas 

1880 

1881 
1882 
1883 
1884 
1885 
1888 
1889 
1890 
1891 
1894 

4 

* 

0 

7 
2 
* 

2 
2 
3 
5 
16 

42 

Texas 

38 

Texas 

64 

58 

63 

12 

Dakota 

Arizona        

Arizona 

Arizona 

38 
34 
64 
44 

F,a.st 

30 

THE    SAME    PER   MEAN     STRENGTH,     SHOWING    RELATIVE     NUMBER    OF 
MEN  DISABLED  FOR  DUTY  BY  ALCOHOL.  AND  ALL  OTHER  CAUSES. 


Years 


Of 
colored 
soldiers 


Of 

white 
soldiers 


In  Military  Department  of 
Texas  .  .  .  . 
Texas  .  .  .  . 
Texas  .... 
Texas  .... 
Texas  .  .  .  . 
Texas  .  .  .  . 
Dakota  .  .  .  . 
Arizona  .... 


1880 

7 

1881 

* 

1882 

0 

1883 

1 

1884 

4 

1885 

* 

1888 

2 

1889 

4 

76 

74 
117 
107 
86 
85 
44 
33 


*  The  figures  are  not  given,  but  the  statement  is  made  that  the  pro- 
portion was  small. 


184  THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

In  commenting  upon  these  tables,  Colonel  Smith 
says  that  both  show  "  less  disability  among  the  blacks 
caused  by  alcohol ;  and  that  the  blacks  are  less  addicted 
to  drink.  The  tables  do  not,  however,  exhaust  the  sub- 
ject, for  many  a  drink  was  taken  which  was  not  followed 
by  sickness  or  inability  to  perform  duty,  and  many  cases 
really  due  to  drink  do  not  so  appear,  as  injury  of  a 
drunken  man  from  a  fall,  or  the  results  of  quarrels 
induced  by  drink." 

Of  aggressive  temperance  work  there  is  hardly  any 
among  the  Southern  negroes.  What  little  is  done  to 
promote  sobriety  is  done  by  the  preachers,  who  rarely 
institute  vigorous  temperance  crusades.  Prudence  for- 
bids them  to  attack  the  white  man's  saloon  too  directly. 
The  attempts  to  form  total  abstinence  societies  and 
branches  of  the  W.  C.  T.  U.  have  not  been  conspicu- 
ously successful.  It  is  very  doubtful,  also,  if  the  signing 
of  pledges  and  other  devices  adopted  by  the  churches 
prove  effective.  In  the  conception  of  the  average  un- 
educated Negro,  morality  is  a  thing  quite  apart  from 
religion.  He  may  be  said  to  live  two  lives,  —  a  reli- 
gious and  an  every-day  life.  The  former  is  largely  a 
life  of  emotion  and  excitement,  and  not  of  principle. 
Preaching  abstinence  is  therefore  not  likely  to  lead  to 
extensive  practice.  Local  prohibition  in  the  South  has 
frequently  been  carried  by  Negro  votes  won  over  by  the 
frenzied  appeals  of  agitators ;  but  through  promises  of 
more  substantial  rewards  for  the  same  Negro  votes, 
prohibition  has  sometimes  been  defeated. 

The  better  educated  Negroes  of  the  North  particu- 
larly have  taken  up  a  more  general  and  systematic  tem- 


RELATIONS   TO   THE   NEGROES.  185 

perance  work,  but  as  yet  it  has  not  assumed  a  very 
practical  turn.  Perhaps  the  race  as  a  whole  is  not 
quite  ripe  for  such  efforts.  At  the  present  time  it  is 
certainly  burdened  by  weightier  problems  pressing  for 
solution  than  the  problem  of  intemperance. 


CHAPTEK  VII. 

THE    RELATIONS    OF    THE    NORTH    AMERICAN    INDIANS 
TO   THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

For  more  than  two  centuries  and  a  half,  legislative 
powers  in  this  country  have  been  invoked  to  prevent 
the  Indians  from  obtaining  the  white  man's  fire-water. 
At  the  very  inception  of  the  weary  struggle  with  the 
Indian  problem  which  still  continues,  the  colonists  of 
the  New  World  saw  that  a  first  precautionary  measure 
to  be  taken  was  to  forbid  the  sale  of  intoxicants  to  the 
savages  ;  public  safety  demanded  such  a  step.  The 
Massachusetts  Bay  Colony  legislated  accordingly,  in 
1657,  the  other  New  England  colonies  following  her 
example  in  turn.  Not  long  afterwards  the  New  York 
Colony  and  its  dependencies  took  action  to  the  same 
effect,  but  with  a  curious  exception  :  By  way  of  charity, 
the  quantity  of  two  drams  of  strong  water  might  be 
sold  or  given  to  an  Indian  "  in  case  of  sudden  sickness, 
faintness,  or  weariness."  Further,  the  earliest  liquor 
legislation  of  the  settlements  in  New  Jersey,  Pennsyl- 
vania, Virginia,  and  both  the  Carolinas,  whatever  may 
have  been  its  shortcomings,  provided  penalties  for  sup- 
plying liquor  to  the  natives.  On  tlie  other  hand,  the 
"  disorderly  little  republics,"  as  the  first  small  settle- 
ments in  New  Hampshire  have  been  called,  for  a  long 
time,  when  not  fighting  the  Indians,  drove  a  brisk  rum 


RELATIONS   TO   THE   INDIANS.  187 

trade  with  them,  and  did  not  at  first,  even  in  the  liquor 
laws  adopted  by  them  as  a  united  colony,  prohibit  the 
traffic.  Maryland  followed  a  similar  policy,  for  no 
attempt  was  made  by  the  colony  to  regulate  the  drink 
traffic  for  more  than  one  hundred  years ;  and  when  in 
1715  it  became  unlawful  to  carry  liquor  into  an  Indian 
village,  it  still  remained  permissible  to  provide  a  sav- 
age with  rum  to  the  extent  of  one  gallon,  if  sold  and 
delivered  to  him  outside  his  village. 

The  ancient  status  of  the  Indian  problem  with  respect 
to  the  question  of  liquor  selling  is  interesting  because 
it  has  remained  essentially  unchanged  down  to  the  pre- 
sent day.  For  when  the  colonies  grew  into  sovereign 
States,  the  legislatures,  whether  reenacting  old  liquor 
statutes  or  bent  on  trying  new  departures,  rarely  neg- 
lected to  prohibit  absolutely  the  sale  of  intoxicants  to 
the  red  people.  And  as  the  pioneers  made  their  way 
into  the  wilderness,  their  first  thought  in  grappling  with 
the  drink  question  seems  to  have  been  to  make  it  hard 
for  an  Indian  to  get  drunk,  and  to  punish  severely 
those  who  were  guilty  of  selling  him  liquor.  So  long 
as  Indians  lived  within  the  borders  of  a  State  as  tribes, 
the  laws  with  few  exceptions  continued  to  say,  and  in 
many  States  still  say,  that  no  intoxicants  must  be  given 
or  sold  them.  When  the  Federal  government  assumed 
guardianship  over  the  conquered  race,  it  adopted  the 
policy  from  which  it  has  never  deviated,  of  forbidding 
without  any  reservation  drink  selling  in  any  form  to  its 
wards. 

The  primary  reason  for  this  singular  unanimity  in 
the  lesfislation  affecting  the  Indian's  relation  to  drink, 
so  lacking  when  other  phases  of  the  Indian  problem 


188  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

were  dealt  with,  is  not  far  to  seek.  The  instinct  of 
self-preservation  dictated  that  the  rum  or  whiskey 
bottle  should  be  kept  out  of  the  Indian's  reach.  One 
of  the  first  lessons  learned  by  the  settlers  was  that 
a  drunken  Indian  is  a  dangerous  Indian  even  to  his 
friends  and  family.  Underlying  all  the  prohibitive 
legislation  referred  to  is  the  universal  experience  in 
this  country  that  to  permit  free  indulgence  in  alcoholic 
drink  is  certain  to  cause  riotous  outbreaks  and  crime 
among  the  Indians.  That  the  law-makers  have  largely 
been  actuated  by  humanitarian  motives  is  contradicted 
by  the  whole  history  of  the  treatment  of  the  race. 

The  propensity  of  the  Indians  for  intoxicating  bev- 
erages is  in  some  respects  a  singular  phenomenon. 
Long  before  love  of  liquor  could  possibly  have  become 
an  inherited  weakness,  the  Indian  was  strongly  at- 
tracted to  the  bottle ;  in  fact,  as  soon  as  he  learned  to 
know  about  the  effects  of  alcohol.  This  has  been  ob- 
served on  the  frontier  since  the  days  of  the  Pilgrims, 
though  until  late  years  it  has  only  been  in  few  places 
and  under  exceptional  circumstances  that  the  red  men 
have  had  abundant  opportunity  of  becoming  topers. 
So  recently  as  some  thirty  years  ago  there  were  few  if 
any  Indians  upon  reservations.  Their  intercourse  wath 
the  whites  was  practically  limited  to  the  occasions  of 
trading ;  and  trade  at  that  time  consisted  in  a  barter 
for  hides  and  furs,  open  to  all.  In  going  out  with 
their  goods  in  wagons  or  on  pack  animals,  the  traders 
invariably  took  along  a  five  or  ten  gallon  keg  of  whis- 
key, which  upon  arrival  in  camp  was  deposited  in  the 
tepee  of  the  head  man  of  the  party,  not  to  be  touched 
until  the  trade  was  completed.    As  the  packs  to  return 


RELATIONS   TO   THE   INDIANS.  189 

were  much  more  numerous  than  those  brought  out,  the 
traders  needed  extra  horses,  and  these  were  paid  for  in 
whiskey.  When  a  sufficient  number  of  animals  had 
been  secured,  they  were  loaded  and  sent  off,  the  head 
trader  remaining  in  camp  until  his  party  had  a  long 
start.  Then  he  would  bring  out  the  whiskey  keg,  knock 
in  the  head,  mount  his  horse,  and  put  as  much  distance 
between  himself  and  the  Indians  as  possible,  for  it  often 
happened  that  the  party  would  be  pursued  by  the  lat- 
ter, and  if  overtaken  they  were  sure  to  be  stripped  of 
all  their  possessions,  if  indeed  nothing  worse  happened. 
Getting  di'ink  under  such  circumstances  —  and  this 
was  the  common  way  before  the  present  reservation 
system  was  inaugurated  —  could  hardly  result  in  cre- 
ating a  liquor  habit.  The  occasions  for  drinking  were 
few  and  far  between,  and  in  the  long  intervals  the  taste 
of  whiskey  only  lingered  as  a  memory. 

The  Indian's  desire  for  intoxicants  can  thus  not  be 
attributed  to  an  inherited  craving.  Neither  does  he 
seem  to  have  a  love  for  strong  drink  because  of  the 
sociability  connected  with  the  use  of  it,  or  because  it 
tickles  his  palate.  It  is  perhaps  nearer  the  truth  to 
find  the  origin  of  the  desire  in  his  peculiar  tempera- 
ment. However  much  the  Indian  through  long  train- 
ing and  habit  may  conceal  the  fact,  he  is  by  nature  an 
emotional  and  nervous  being.  In  his  natural  state  he 
spends  life  in  the  excitement  of  the  chase  or  in  war, 
both  of  which  occupations  he  pursues  until  mentally 
and  physically  exhausted.  During  the  repose  that  fol- 
lows, he  recounts  the  deeds  performed ;  and  lacking 
the  resources  of  the  white  man,  he  resorts  to  anything 
that  will  help  to  pass  the  hours  of  idleness.     In  his 


190  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

natural  state  he  takes  to  the  dance,  in  which  he  recalls 
the  feats  of  the  chase  and  the  war  path,  gradually 
working  himself  into  a  state  of  frenzy  resembling  that 
produced  by  intoxication,  and  at  last  falls  into  a  stupor 
like  that  caused  by  liquor. 

As  civilization  hems  him  in  on  all  sides,  depriving 
him  of  the  customary  excitements  of  life  without  offer- 
ing substitutes,  and  at  the  same  time  puts  within  easier 
reach  the  whiskey  bottle  with  its  power  first  to  stimu- 
late his  imagination,  and  then  throw  him  into  a  stupor 
in  which  he  for  the  moment  forgets  his  grievances  and 
wrongs,  it  is  small  wonder  that  he  will  part  with  his 
most  cherished  possessions  to  secure  what  seems  to  him 
so  great  a  boon. 

The  Indian,  then,  as  a  rule,  drinks  solely  for  the 
effects  produced  by  liquor.  When  he  can  get  it,  he 
takes  one  drink  after  another  as  fast  as  he  can  swal- 
low, until  powerless  longer  to  do  so.  As  intoxication 
comes  on,  he  grows  quarrelsome,  is  ready  to  fight  his 
companions,  beat  his  wife,  scare  his  children,  destroy 
his  possessions,  and  ride  his  pony  nearly  to  death,  if 
indeed  he  does  not  commit  more  violent  acts.  Indians 
of  many  tribes  well  recognize  the  fearful  effects  liquor 
has  upon  them,  and  in  a  party  assembled  for  a  spree, 
not  all  will  get  drunk  at  the  same  time,  but  enough 
remain  sober  to  prevent  the  drunken  ones  from  injur- 
ing themselves  or  fellows,  tying  their  hands  and  feet 
when  the  frenzy  rises  to  unsafe  heights.  Preparations 
for  a  drunken  orgie  are  made  with  as  much  care  as 
for  any  other  solemn  function.  If  the  party  is  small, 
the  bottle  is  passed  from  hand  to  hand  ;  if  large,  the 
whiskey  is  poured  into  a  pan  or  other  vessel,  dipped 


RELATIONS  TO  THE  INDIANS.  191 

lip,  and  handed  around  by  tliose  who  are  to  remain 
sober.  The  idea  of  social  pleasure  in  drinking  is  en- 
tirely absent  from  the  Indian  mind  ;  he  indulges  be- 
cause he  wants  to  get  drunk. 

It  has  been  said  by  a  close  student  of  the  subject, 
that  "  an  Indian  can  no  more  resist  the  temptation  to 
drink  than  a  two-year  old  child  can  help  taking  a  lump 
of  sugar  if  it  is  within  its  reach."  This  strong  asser- 
tion is  only  too  fully  supported  by  the  testimony  of 
experienced  Indian  agents  and  educators.  Referring 
to  Indians  of  the  Northwest,  Blackfeet,  Crows,  Gros 
Ventres,  Assiniboines,  Flatheads,  Nez-Perce,  and  Pend 
d'Oreilles,  whom  he  has  known  intimately  for  forty 
years,  Major  George  Steell,  until  recently  in  charge 
of  the  Blackfeet  Agency  in  Montana,  writes :  — 

"  Were  the  vigilance  of  the  agents  relaxed,  it  would 
only  be  a  short  time  until  it  (intemperance)  would 
become  almost  a  universal  vice  among  all  the  tribes 
with  which  I  am  acquainted.  ...  I  see  practically  no 
difference  between  them  ;  all  would  become  drunkards 
if  it  were  possible  for  them  to  obtain  whiskey  in  unlim- 
ited quantities," 

Other  agents  write  in  the  same  strain.  "No  peo- 
ple," says  Dr.  Daniel  Dorchester,  "  are  so  quickly  and 
fatally  demoralized  by  liquor  as  Indians."  (Report  of 
the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs,  1890,  p.  252.) 

When  once  in  a  while  a  tribe  is  described  as  beino^ 
free  from  the  drink  habit,  it  is  usually  found  to  be 
small  and  exceptionally  fortunate  as  to  its  surround- 
ings. The  few  remaining  Sac  and  Fox  Indians  at 
Tama,  Iowa,  for  instance,  are  said  to  get  very  little 
liquor.     "  The  older  chiefs  testify  readily  against  any 


192  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

one  who  sells  or  gives  intoxicants  to  their  young  men ; 
and  public  sentiment  is  so  strong  against  the  liquor 
traffic  in  this  neighborhood  that  conviction  and  pun- 
ishment follow,  usually  with  such  celerity  as  to  terrify 
the  lower  class  of  dram-sellers  into  obeying  the  law." 
(14th  Annual  Report  of  the  Executive  Committee  of 
the  Indian  Rights  Association,  p.  35.) 

As  another  exception  to  the  rule  may  be  mentioned 
the  Klamath  and  Umatilla  tribes  in  Oregon,  in  which 
are  said  to  be  a  number  of  temperance  people  and 
proportionately  not  a  few  who  "  claim  to  be  strict  pro- 
hibitionists." But  on  the  whole  the  tribes  seem  to  be 
very  much  on  the  same  level  in  their  inability  to  resist 
the  temptation  to  drink,  the  only  observable  difference 
springing  from  opportunity  or  lack  of  opportunity  to 
get  drunk.  For  example,  one  part  of  the  Mohave  tribe 
(Arizona)  living  on  the  reservation  has  repeatedly 
been  commended  for  its  sobriety  ;  and  it  has  little 
chance  to  get  liquor.  But  another  part  of  the  Mo- 
haves  domiciled  near  a  trading-post,  where  whiskey  is 
plentiful,  is  said  to  be  very  intemperate. 

In  some  of  the  tribes,  however,  a  marked  difference 
in  the  mode  of  indulgence  in  drink  is  observable. 
Among  the  mountain  Indians  of  the  Southwest  are 
some  who,  living  far  from  towns  and  seldom  visited 
by  white  traders,  prepare  their  own  liquor  and  period- 
ically gather  for  a  s^sree.  At  such  times  old  feuds 
are  often  revived  and  murders  committed  during  the 
drunken  frenzy.  "  When  the  members,  scattered  by 
their  own  fury,  recover  from  the  barbarous  debauch," 
writes  Captain  William  H.  Beck,  U.  S.  A.,  "  they  one 
by  one  or  in  couples  steal  to  their  tepees  from  the  hills 


RELATIONS  TO  THE  INDIANS.  193 

in  which  they  have  hidden,  as  if  realizing  the  danger 
they  were  in  from  their  bloody  carousal;  and  the 
quiet  which  succeeds  gives  no  token  of  the  riot  of  the 
night.  But  the  hush  is  only  until  the  next  '  moon,'  or 
until  some  old  woman  of  the  tribe  announces  that 
another  '  tiz-win '  still  is  ready.  These  '  reunions '  are 
held  so  far  as  possible  away  from  the  notice  of  the 
whites  and  of  the  officers  in  charge,  so  as  to  avoid  the 
destruction,  if  discovered,  of  the  implements  for  mak- 
ing the  liquor." 

The  home  manufacture  of  liquor  does  not  seem  to 
be  engaged  i#  anywhere  on  an  extensive  scale.  The 
use  of  "  tiz-win  "  or  "  tool-pi  "  is  said  to  be  decreasing, 
and  is  restricted  to  the  Southwest.  Another  liquor 
known  as  "  Choctaw  beer "  and  made  from  barley, 
hops,  tobacco,  fish-berries,  and  a  little  alcohol,  has  at 
times  been  manufactured  without  stint,  especially  in 
the  mining  districts  of  the  Choctaw  nation,  although 
the  nation  has  legislated  against  it.  Women  make 
and  sell  the  concoction.  The  white  man's  product  is 
universally  preferred,  whether  it  be  genuine  whiskey, 
Jamaica  ginger,  or  any  vile  compound  that  will  pro- 
duce intoxication.  The  Indians  of  the  Northwest  have 
apparently  never  learned  the  art  of  distilling. 

The  pictures  drawn  of  the  effects  of  drink  on  the 
Indians,  by  those  who  are  set  to  guard  them  on  behalf 
of  the  nation,  are  dark  and  often  sad  in  the  extreme. 
In  nearly  every  annual  report  of  the  Commissioner  of 
Indian  Affairs  the  subject  receives  some  mention. 
"  One  of  the  most  difficult  things  to  contend  with  in 
the  administration  of  Indian  affairs,"  said  former  Com- 
missioner T.  J.  Morgan,  "  is  the  vice  of  intemperance. 


194  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

under  any  circumstance  an  evil,  but  particularly  so 
on  an  Indian  reservation."  (Annual  Report,  1890,  p. 
54.)  No  one  feels  the  vs^eight  of  this  truth  more  than 
the  conscientious  Indian  agents,  and  they  state  it  in 
various  forms  with  much  emphasis  and  wealth  of  detail 
in  their  annual  reports  to  the  commissioner.  A  care- 
ful compilation  of  all  these  reports  for  the  years  1890 
to  1897  —  and  they  come  from  each  of  the  fifty-seven 
agencies  —  reveals  as  the  consensus  of  the  opinions  of 
the  agents  that  intemperance  is,  (1)  one  of  the  great- 
est obstacles  to  the  progress  and  civilization  of  the  In- 
dians ;  (2)  the  cause  of  nearly  all  the  Murders  occur- 
ring on  the  reservations,  as  well  as  of  most  of  the  other 
crimes  and  disorders ;  (3)  the  cause  of  widespread 
degradation  of  the  women ;  and  (4)  largely  the  cause 
of  poverty  and  illness.  Nearly  all  the  offenses,  or  a 
majority  of  them,  dealt  with  by  the  Indian  police  and 
courts,  are  more  or  less  directly  connected  with  intem- 
perance and  whiskey  selling.  In  short,  life  on  the 
reservation  would  be  one  of  peace,  quiet,  and  perhaps 
to  some  extent  of  industry  but  for  the  drink  trouble. 

It  is  needless  to  recite  in  detail  the  gruesome  crimes 
and  misery  worked  by  alcohol,  as  recounted  in  differ- 
ent reports  year  by  year.  Enough  to  say  that  they 
come  from  reservations  remotest  from  civilization,  but 
also  from  those  in  the  midst  of  what  ought  to  be  en- 
nobling influences.  Conditions  are,  however,  far  from 
being  equally  bad  everywhere.  There  are  Indians  who, 
as  former  Commissioner  Morgan  says,  "are  distin- 
guished for  sobriety."  But  where  the  reservations  are 
freest  from  drunkenness,  what  trouble  they  have  is 
largely  due  to  intemperance,  and  in  this  respect  the 


RELATIONS   TO   THE   INDIANS.  195 

goodness  or  badness  of  the  tribes  seems  to  be  unrelated 
to  the  degree  of  advancement  attained,  and  to  depend 
generally  upon  the  facility  for  getting  liquor.  So  also 
the  decrease  or  increase  in  drunkenness  noted  by  gov- 
ernment agents  from  time  to  time  appears  to  be  con- 
tingent simply  upon  their  success  or  non-success  in 
enforcing  the  law  against  selling  to  the  Indians. 

"  As  a  general  proposition,"  writes  Colonel  H.  B. 
Freeman,  U.  S.  A.,  for  some  time  Acting  Indian  Agent 
at  the  Osage  Agency,  Oklahoma,  "  I  think  it  may  safely 
be  assumed  that  among  the  Indians  the  liquor  habit  in- 
creases with  the  ability  to  buy  and  their  closer  contact 
with  the  whites."  It  is  a  severe  indictment  against  the 
dominant  race  that  some  of  the  loudest  complaints  about 
drunkenness  among  the  Indians  issue  from  reservations 
surrounded  as  one  would  think  by  superior  influences, 
for  instance,  reservations  in  the  States  of  New  York 
and  Wisconsin.  The  few  scattered  tribes  which  are 
not  under  the  restraining  hand  of  agents  and  their  sub- 
ordinates are  said  to  give  least  hope  of  escaping  from 
the  drink  curse.  They  fall  an  easy  prey  to  the  wiles 
of  the  white  saloon-keeper. 

The  immediate  physical  effects  of  alcohol  on  the 
Indian  are  probably  much  like  those  observed  in  the 
white  drinker,  yet  with  a  difference.  An  Indian,  it  is 
held,  cannot  drink  the  kind  of  whiskey  some  white 
men  consume  and  live.  His  body  weakens  much 
more  rapidly,  and  he  sooner  becomes  unable  to  per- 
form any  labor  requiring  muscular  strength.  His 
health  quickly  breaks  down,  for  he  lacks  the  recuper- 
ative power  of  the  white  man,  as  well  as  what  ministers 
to   it,  sanitation,  properly   prepared   food,  etc.     The 


196  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

death  rate  due  to  alcoholism  in  some  form  is  taken  to 
be  abnormally  high  in  the  most  intemperate  tribes. 
The  Indians  themselves  are  well  aware  of  the  havoc 
liquor  is  working,  the  Osages,  among  others,  attributing 
their  diminution  in  numbers  to  this  cause. 

"  No  depths  of  immorality  are  too  low  for  a  drunken 
Indian,"  writes  Major  Steell.  One  of  the  results  noted 
of  a  persistent  use  of  intoxicants  is  the  growing  un- 
chastity  of  Indian  women,  permitted  now  in  many  tribes 
instead  of  being  terribly  punished  as  formerly  :  to  this 
extent  have  their  sensibilities  become  blunted.  In  the 
old  days  when  polygamy  still  flourished,  the  chief  ex- 
ercised a  control  which  prevented  gross  immorality, 
from  their  point  of  view.  At  that  time  also  the  Indian 
avoided  publicity  in  drinking,  for  he  would  often  be 
soundly  beaten  for  any  lapse  from  sobriety.  Now  the 
women  go  unpunished  for  fouler  living  traceable  di- 
rectly to  the  liquor  habit.  White  men  frequently 
regard  the  Indian  woman  as  lawful  prey,  and  supply 
her  with  whiskey  more  easily  to  accomplish  their  ends. 
Girls  who  have  scarcely  reached  maturity  are  counted 
among  their  victims. 

Opinions  are  divided  on  the  question  whether  the  old 
and  middle-aged  Indians  are  more  addicted  to  drink 
than  the  younger  men,  and  whether,  in  consequence, 
there  is  greater  or  less  likelihood  that  in  the  future  the 
liquor  habit  will  prove  a  barrier  to  their  progress  and 
eventual  civilization.  This  much  seems  certain,  that  as 
yet  not  even  the  educated  Indians,  pupils  of  the  great 
schools,  have  a  moral  fibre  strong  enough  to  withstand 
the  temptations  of  temporary  pleasures  if  left  to  their 
own  devices ;  heredity  still  makes  them  easy  victims  of 


RELATIONS  TO   THE   INDIANS.  197 

the  idea  of  the  moment.  Without  a  strong  hand  to 
hold  them  back,  even  the  better  of  these  are  likely 
to  fall  into  the  ways  of  the  drunkard.  In  a  letter  to 
the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs,  written  in  1896, 
Mr.  George  Cotton,  a  well-known  citizen  of  Pawnee, 
Oklahoma,  uses  these  words  in  reference  to  the  exemp- 
tion from  the  liquor  laws  of  the  United  States  of  Indians 
who  have  acquired  citizenship  as  allottees :  — 

"  The  young  men  just  home  from  school,  whose  edu- 
cation has  cost  the  government  several  hundred  dollars, 
are  removed  by  this  cause  from  a  position  where  they 
would  be  a  great  factor  in  the  exaltation  of  their  race, 
to  a  place  where  they  are  a  menace  to  all  efforts  in  the 
direction  of  advancement." 

It  is  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  the  Indian  does  not 
realize  the  folly  of  intemijerance.  When  sober  he  will 
repent  getting  drunk,  but  at  the  next  opportimity  will 
repeat  his  excess,  and  when  sober  again  will  repeat  the 
repentance.  "  I  have  had  chiefs  in  council  implore  me," 
says  Mr.  George  Bird  Grinnell,  "  to  induce  the  Great 
Father  to  arrange  matters  so  that  they  and  their  people 
could  not  get  whiskey.  '  Then,'  they  would  say,  '  our 
women  and  children  can  sleep  in  peace  and  our  horses 
will  have  rest.' " 

Indian  agents  repeatedly  state  it  as  their  solemn  con- 
viction that  with  the  liquor  question  out  of  the  way, 
there  will  be  little  left  of  the  Indian  problem  so  far 
as  their  work  is  concerned.  This  is  but  another  way 
of  putting  the  proposition,  "  the  greatest  obstacle  con- 
fronting the  government  of  the  United  States,  and  the 
churches  that  are  trying  to  civilize  and  christianize  the 
Indian,  is  the  liquor  traffic."     Why,  then,  has  so  little 


198  THE  LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

headway  been  made  in  removing  this  obstacle  which  re- 
mains a  perpetual  stumbling-block,  though  by  no  means 
the  only  one  ?  A  consideration  of  the  character  of  the 
influences  to  which  the  Indians  are  exposed,  the  policy 
of  the  government  in  administering  Indian  affairs,  the 
inadequacy  of  the  laws  restricting  the  liquor  traffic  prior 
to  1897,  and  the  difficulties  of  enforcing  them,  will  fur- 
nish us  the  answer. 

We  are  not  for  a  moment  oblivious  of  the  brighter 
side  of  the  question,  —  the  noble  devotion,  often  amid 
great  perils,  and  constant  self-sacrifice  of  many  men 
and  women  who  have  given  their  lives  to  missionary 
work  among  the  Indians,  and  the  ceaseless  efforts  of 
schools  and  churches  to  bring  light  to  many  tribes. 
Their  stories  tell  of  progress  and  great  good  accom- 
plished. Neither  have  we  forgotten  the  constant  and 
intelligent  services  of  the  Indian  Kights  Association 
and  numerous  similar  bodies,  which  in  the  face  of  every 
discouragement  have  labored  persistently  to  make  the 
government  do  its  whole  duty.  In  short,  the  united 
endeavors  to  help  the  Indians  go  far  to  offset  the  severe 
indictment  against  the  dominant  race  in  the  treatment 
of  its  wards.  Indeed,  without  such  efforts  our  recital 
would  be  much  drearier  than  it  is.  But  these  consid- 
erations do  not  alter  the  facts  already  stated  or  those 
that  follow. 

It  remains  true  that  civilization  has  always  turned 
its  roughest  side  toward  the  Indian.  When  not  driven 
by  force  of  arms  from  his  rightful  domain,  and  plun- 
dered of  his  possessions  without  government  interfer- 
ence, he  has  by  example  and  invitation  had  a  better 
chance  to  copy  the  white  man's  vices  than  his  virtues. 


RELATIONS  TO   THE   INDIANS.  199 

Not  only  have  the  representatives  of  the  superior  race 
with  whom  he  has  come  in  closest  contact  failed  to  ele- 
vate him,  but  they  have  striven  to  work  his  utter  ruin. 
Descendants  of  those  early  colonists,  who  plied  their 
dusky  neighbors  with  rum  for  the  sake  of  gain,  have 
been  found  in  every  generation.  They  have  dogged 
the  footsteps  of  the  Indian  as  he  was  pushed  farther 
into  the  wilds  ;  and  now  that  the  frontier  is  disappear- 
ing, and  the  tribes  confined  to  ever-diminishing  reser- 
vations, they  beset  him  with  greater  avarice  and  in 
increasing  numbers.  Nearly  every  reservation,  when 
not  encircled  by  white  settlements,  has  somewhere 
straggling  towns  fastened  like  leeches  upon  its  borders 
in  which  dwell  the  divekeeper,  the  "boot-legger,"  and 
the  "  go-between,"  in  short,  men  who  make  it  their  busi- 
ness to  sell  liquor  to  the  Indians,  and  whose  greed  makes 
them  stop  at  nothing.  "  Intoxicating  liquors  are  sup- 
plied to  and  almost  forced  upon  the  Indians  by  avari- 
cious white  men,"  says  former  Commissioner  Morgan. 
Even  some  of  the  remotest  barrens  on  which  the  In- 
dians have  been  told  to  make  a  home  are  at  seasons 
infested  by  tramps  and  "  tinhorn  "  gamblers  who  take 
up  the  role  of  itinerant  whiskey  venders.  In  the  wake 
of  boomers,  land-grabbers,  and  herders  crowding  into 
the  Indian  country  invariably  follow  the  dram-selling 
fraternity  in  increasing  numbers.  But  whether  it  be 
in  the  Empire  State  or  in  far-off  Arizona,  the  burden 
of  the  Indian  agent's  complaint  is  the  same :  The 
avarice  of  the  white  liquor-dealer  causes  the  trouble. 
Small  wonder  that  in  his  indignation  he  applies  to  them 
such  terms  as  "  dirty  white  scrubs,"  "  thieves  and  rob- 
bers," etc.,  for  they  do  not  hesitate  to  take  the  red 


200  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

man's  horses,  saddles,  blankets,  and  farming  tools, 
leaving"  him  nothing  but  the  memory  of  debauch. 

The  underhand  methods  to  which  the  drink-sellers 
at  times  resort  remind  one  vividly  of  the  doings  of 
their  brethren  in  prohibition  States.  Here  are  some 
samples :  "  A  saloon  is  on  the  beach  so  high  it  is  easy 
to  go  under  it.  A  small  hole  is  in  the  floor,  under  the 
counter.  A  hand  comes  up  with  money  in  it,  and 
after  dark  a  bottle  goes  down,  and  some  Indians  are 
drunk,  but  nobody  can  prove  anything  wrong.  An 
Indian  takes  a  basket  of  clams  into  a  saloon  and  asks 
the -saloon-keeper  if  he  wants  them.  'I  will  see  what 
my  wife  says,'  is  the  reply,  as  the  basket  is  carried 
into  the  back  room.  Soon  the  saloon-keeper  comes 
back  and  says :  '  Take  your  old  clams  ;  they  are  rotten.' 
The  Indian  takes  them,  and  by  and  by  a  company  of 
Indians  is  '  gloriously  drunk.'  These  are  some  of  the 
ways  that  are  dark."  (Dr.  Daniel  Dorchester,  Report, 
1893.) 

Even  the  Chinamen  on  the  west  coast  have  dis- 
covered the  weakness  of  the  Indians  and  prey  upon  it. 
Agent  Brewster  tells  of  Chinese  in  Nevada  who  "  for 
several  years  had  been  selling  liquor  and  opium  to  the 
Indians,  and  had  no  other  means  of  supjDort."  In 
consequence  he  finds  the  Indians  at  Hawthorne,  Nev., 
to  be  "totally  demoralized."  (Report  of  Commissioner 
of  Indian  Affairs,  1897,  pp.  57,  58.)  The  crafty  half- 
breed  or  quarter-breed  is  frequently  employed  by  the 
dram-seller  as  a  go-between  in  his  transactions  with 
Indians,  when  there  is  danger  in  selling  openly.  Too 
often  the  sentiment  of  the  whites  is  with  the  liquor- 
dealers.    It  is  sometimes  carried  to  such  an  extent  that 


RELATIONS   TO   THE  INDIANS.  201 

men  are  "  licensed  with  the  full  knowledge  that  they 
can  only  live  by  selling  to  the  Indians."  (Report  of 
Uintah  Agency,  Utah,  1894.)  As  another  example, 
it  may  be  cited  that  in  prohibition  North  Dakota  the 
county  and  town  officials  are  charged  with  "encour- 
aging "  the  sale  of  liquor  to  Indians  and  "  throwing 
obstacles  in  the  way  of  the  agent  in  hi§  efforts  to  secure 
evidence  "  against  the  law  breakers.  (Report  from 
Standing  Rock  Agency,  North  Dakota,  1897.)  Ex- 
press companies  of  national  repute  and  other  common 
carriers  have  actively  facilitated  the  introduction  of 
intoxicants  in  the  Indian  Territory  under  guise  of  legal 
authority  derived  from  some  temporary  court  decision, 
and  have  for  a  time  succeeded  in  flooding  Indian 
reservations  with  drink. 

We  need  not  dwell  in  particular  on  all  the  causes 
that  combine  to  inspire  the  whites  with  contempt  if 
not  hatred  toward  their  Indian  neighbors,  partly  re- 
vealed in  the  indifference  to  the  enforcement  of  the 
statutes  against  liquor  selling.  But  it  is  patent  that 
the  policy  pursued  by  the  government  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  Indian  affairs  must  have  had  the  effect  of 
fostering  the  unkindly  feelings  of  the  whites.  The 
Indian  Conference  held  at  Lake  Mohonk,  N.  Y,,  Octo- 
ber 12-14,  1898,  in  what  must  be  regarded  as  its 
platform,  speaks  of  the  Indian  service  in  the  following 
words :  — 

"  The  schools,  the  clerks  in  the  bureau  at  Washing- 
ton, and  the  agency  physicians  have  been  brought 
under  the  Civil  Service  Law,  but  with  these  exceptions 
the  Indian  Bureau  remains  a  political  machine,  subject 
to  change  in  all   its  personnel  at  every  Presidential 


202  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

election.  By  both  Democratic  and  Republican  adminis- 
trations men  have  been  put  at  the  head  of  the  Indian 
Bureau  who  are  neither  familiar  with  Indian  affairs 
nor  acquainted  with  methods  of  education.  In  more 
than  one  instance  drunken  officials  have  been  appointed 
in  the  reservations,  and  well-authenticated  complaints 
have  failed  to  secure  their  removal,  or  have  resulted 
only  in  transfer  to  another  field  with  increased  salary. 
.  .  .  These  evils  have  shown  themselves  when  the  ap- 
pointments have  been  left  with  the  Indian  Commis- 
sioner, when  they  have  been  reserved  by  the  Secretary 
of  the  Interior  to  himself,  and  when  they  have  been 
left  to  local  politicians.  Some  excellent  officials  have 
been  appointed,  and  some  excellent  work  has  been 
done,  but  this  is  not  because,  but  in  spite,  of  the 
system." 

It  has  been  said  by  the  highest  official  in  the  service 
that  there  "  are  still  in  the  Indian  service  men  whose 
intemperance  is  a  great  hindrance  to  their  usefulness." 
Agents,  inspectors,  educators,  other  subordinates,  and, 
not  least,  licensed  traders  have  been  at  fault  in  this 
respect.  But  however  capable  and  anxious  to  do  his 
duty  the  agent  may  be,  his  efforts  to  suppress  liquor 
selling  on  the  reservation  may  be  frustrated  by  the 
action  of  another  set  of  United  States  officials.  We 
refer  to  the  dejjuty  marshals,  whose  business  it  is  to 
hunt  down  whiskey-sellers  and  have  them  punished. 
Henchmen  of  local  politicians,  as  most  of  these  deputy 
marshals  are,  and  appointed  because  of  this,  and  not 
on  account  of  merit,  they  are  frequently  not  to  be 
trusted  with  so  j^lain  a  duty  as  that  of  arresting  a 
"  boot-legger." 


RELATIONS  TO   THE  INDIANS.  203 

So  long  as  the  Indian  service,  and  other  branches  of 
government  that  become  affiliated  with  its  work,  are 
prostituted  by  politicians,  the  best  devised  law  against 
selling  liquor  to  Indians  may  be  o£  no  avail.  But  the 
only  law  whose  eifectiveness  has  been  thoroughly  tested 
has  for  years  failed  of  its  purpose.  The  wording  of 
the  most  imj)ortant  section  of  this  law  follows :  — 

"No  ardent  spirits,  ale,  beer,  wine,  or  intoxicating 
liquor  or  liquors  of  whatever  kind,  shall  be  introduced 
under  any  pretense  into  the  Indian  country.  Any 
person  who  exchanges,  sells,  gives,  barters,  or  disposes 
of  any  ardent  spirits,  ale,  beer,  wine,  or  intoxicating 
liquors  of  any  kind  to  any  Indian  in  charge  of  any 
superintendent  or  agent,  or  introduces  or  attempts  to 
introduce  any  ardent  spirits,  ale,  beer,  wine,  or  intoxi- 
cating liquor  into  the  Indian  country,  shall  be  punished 
by' imprisonment  for  not  more  than  two  years,  or  by  a 
fine  of  not  more  than  $300  for  each  offense."  This 
is  section  2139,  United  States  Revised  Statutes,  as 
amended  by  the  act  of  July  23,  1892  (27  Stats.  260). 
In  its  unamended  form,  the  law  only  specified  imder 
the  prohibited  articles  "  ardent  spirits  "  and  "  spirituous 
liquor  or  wine." 

Ample  and  explicit  powers  of  search  and  seizure  are 
conferred  upon  employees  of  the  Indian  Bureau  by 
another  section  of  the  statutes.  The  law  has  not  at 
any  time  been  generally  enforced,  neither,  as  a  rule, 
have  the  sentences  been  heavy  enough  to  deter  offenders 
from  renewing  the  nefarious  traffic  at  the  first  oppor- 
tunity. In  justice  to  the  Indian  agents,  it  must  be 
admitted  that,  under  a  confessedly  inadequate  law, 
some  of  them  have  succeeded  beyond  expectation  in 


204  THE   LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

suppressing  the  sale  of  liquor  on  the  reservations 
under  their  charge.  They  have  been  men  of  exceptional 
ability,  however,  many  of  them  noted  army  officers, 
but  they  have  labored  under  great  disadvantages. 

It  is  proverbially  difficult  to  get  convincing  proof  of 
guilt  in  liquor  cases,  particularly  in  the  Indian  country. 
Generally  speaking,  the  whites  sympathize  with  the 
dram-sellers  and  are  reluctant  to  testify  against  their 
neighbors  and  political  friends.  Moreover,  the  sale  of 
drink  is  often  a  transaction  between  the  dealer  and  the 
Indians,  unwitnessed  by  other  whites,  so  that  the 
testimony  of  the  Indians  becomes  a  chief  reliance  in 
whiskey  cases.  But  the  Indian  is  an  unsatisfactory 
witness.  It  is  difficult  to  find  him,  and  when  found 
he  may  refuse  to  testify ;  and  if  he  testifies,  the  proba- 
bility is  that  he  will  not  be  believed.  The  whites 
frequently  refuse  to  believe  him  under  oath ;  and*  at 
least  one  court  has  held  that  it  takes  more  than  the 
evidence  of  one  Indian  to  convict  a  man  of  illegal 
selling.  Downright  fear  may  keep  the  Indian  from 
appearing  in  court.  That  he  has  too  good  reason  to 
dread  the  vengeance  of  the  white  man  who  may  be 
convicted  on  his  evidence,  the  following  incident  will 
show :  At  Reno,  Nev.,  the  testimony  of  a  Wads- 
worth  Indian  resulted  in  the  conviction  and  sentence 
of  three  white  men.  As  a  punishment  for  testifying, 
and  in  order  to  intimidate  other  Indians  and  prevent 
them  from  appearing  against  other  whiskey-dealers  in 
similar  trials  in  the  future,  the  friends  of  the  man 
convicted  on  this  Indian's  testimony  killed  him  by 
administering  poison. 

The  prejudice  against  Indian  testimony  is  not  always 


RELATIONS   TO   THE   INDIANS.  205 

unreasonable,  for  some  red  men,  having  caught  the 
trick  from  whites,  are  professional  witnesses.  They 
will  send  one  of  their  company  to  buy  liquor,  lying  in 
wait  to  secure  evidence  of  the  transaction,  and  then 
swear  out  a  complaint,  —  all  for  the  sake  of  getting 
the  mileage  and  fees,  upon  the  proceeds  of  which  they 
probably  get  drunk.  Such  blackmailing  schemes  are 
not  of  Indian  invention.  On  the  contrary,  there  is  the 
strongest  ground  for  believing  that  they  have  taken 
United  States  deputy  marshals  as  exemplars.  Not 
only  do  some  of  these  men  "  execute  the  law  in  one 
way  for  the  Indian  and  in  another  for  the  white  man  " 
throughout  the  Indian  Territory,  as  Mr.  Francis  E. 
Aeupp  has  strikingly  shown  (14th  Annual  Report  of 
the  Indian  Rights  Association,  1897,  pp.  65,  G6},  but 
they  have  been  found  guilty  of  far  baser  acts. 

In  the  last  report  from  the  Osage  Agency  this  inci- 
dent is  related  :  An  Indian  having  bought  some  whis- 
key was  soon  after  stopped  by  a  deputy  marshal  and 
companion,  who  seized  the  liquor.  Subsequently  the 
Indian  was  told  that  he  might  have  the  whiskey  by 
paying  ten  dollars  for  it.  This  he  did,  but  only  to  be 
aiTcsted  a  little  later  by  the  very  man  who  had  first 
seized  and  then  sold  the  whiskey  to  him,  on  the  charge 
of  "  introducing  liquor,"  and  later  convicted  and  sen- 
tenced to  severe  penalties.  In  commenting  upon  this 
affair,  the  agent,  who  secured  the  release  of  the  same 
Indian,  says  he  has  been  reliably  informed  that  "  it 
has  been  the  practice  of  the  deputy  marshals  to  hunt 
up  these  whiskey  cases  against  Indians  to  make  easy 
fees.  .  .  .  Although  it  cannot  be  proved,  it  is  undoubt- 
edly true,  in  a  great  many  instances,  that  the  man  who 


206  THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

sells  the  whiskey  notifies  the  deputy,  who  immediately 
goes  after  the  Indian,  it  being  an  easy  way  to  make 
fees."  Numerous  complaints  of  a  similar  nature  have 
been  made  against  deputy  marshals. 

Another  obstacle  to  the  enforcement  of  the  law  is 
the  amount  of  red  tape  to  be  unwound  before  a  liquor 
case  comes  to  trial.  Mr.  Grinnell  describes  the  pro- 
cess, as  he  learned  it  at  the  Blackfeet  Agency,  Mon- 
tana, thus:  Having  obtained  evidence  of  illegal  selling, 
a  report  must  be  sent  to  the  Indian  Bureau  at  Wash- 
ington. There  it  is  received,  read,  filed,  and  pigeon- 
holed, and  after  a  lapse  of  a  considerable  time  reported 
to  the  Department  of  Justice  for  more  reading,  filing, 
pigeon-holing,  and  waiting.  At  last  some  one  in  the 
Department  of  Justice  writes  to  the  United  States 
marshal  at  Helena,  Mont.,  where  the  matter  had  to 
wait  again  for  months  and  years.  If  the  authorities 
are  sufficiently  stirred  up  in  this  way,  the  deputy  mar- 
shal will  at  last  go  from  Helena  to  the  agency  and 
at  once  arrest  the  whiskey-seller.  The  witnesses  — 
Indians,  half-breeds,  and  whites  —  are  now  brought 
together,  at  great  loss  of  time  to  themselves,  to  attend 
the  hearing  before  the  grand  jury.  None  of  the  In- 
dians have  any  money  to  pay  their  expenses  to  Helena, 
two  hundre'd  miles  distant.  Perhaps  the  agent  ad- 
vances the  amount  needed  out  of  his  own  pocket,  or 
the  Indians  beg  or  borrow  it  from  their  friends,  hoping 
that  it  will  be  refunded  by  the  government.  They 
attend  the  hearing  and  give  their  testimony.  If  the 
offender  is  indicted  and  bound  over,  the  witnesses 
return  home.  Months  roll  by.  Suddenly  the  deputy 
marshal  again  appears  to  announce  that  the  trial  of 


RELATIONS   TO  THE   INDIANS.  207 

the  whiskey-seller  is  to  come  off  soon,  and  that  he 
has  come  to  take  the  witnesses  with  him  to  Helena. 
The  witnesses  are  summoned  from  here,  there,  and 
everywhere,  obliged  to  leave  their  work  and  prepare 
to  go  away  to  be  absent  three  weeks  or  a  month.  The 
marshal  asks  the  witnesses  if  they  have  money  for 
their  expenses.  Of  course  they  have  none,  and  are 
again  reduced  to  borrowing  unless  the  agent,  who  has 
no  government  funds  out  of  which  he  can  pay  such 
expenses,  is  prepared  again  to  supply  the  needed 
money  out  of  his  own  pocket.  And  there  are  agents 
high-minded  and  generous  enough  to  spend  their  own 
earnings  in  pushing  liquor  cases,  but  often  to  little 
purpose. 

Under  the  law  we  have  cited,  the  courts,  if  not  in- 
efficient and  clearly  leaning  toward  the  liquor-dealers, 
have  not  as  a  rule  meted  out  the  maximum  penalty. 
One  agent  complains  that  it  costs  'fl25  to  prosecute 
a  liquor  case  which  results  in  a  fine  of  $10  or  a  rep- 
rimand ;  another,  that  the  penalty  for  violating  the 
liquor  statute  is  set  at  $1  or  |!l.25  ;  a  third,  that  offend- 
ers are  "  dismissed  with  a  benediction,"  etc.  After 
all,  it  is  not  so  incredible  that  a  Federal  judge  should 
in  all  seriousness  advise  an  Indian  agent  to  try  other 
means  of  stopping  the  drink  traffic  than  by  legal 
prosecution. 

We  need  not  examine  minutely  the  perplexities  aris- 
ing from  the  different  rulings  of  courts  in  different 
States.  The  severest  blow  given  the  efforts  to  sup- 
press intemperance  among  the  Indians  was  a  decision 
rendered  by  a  United  States  District  Court,  in  1893, 
in  which  it  was  held  that  the  sale  of  liquor  to  Indians 


208  THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

who  have  taken  allotments  in  severalty  is  not  a  viola- 
tion of  the  United  States  law,  since  by  allotment  they 
acquire  citizenship  with  all  its  immunities  and  privi- 
leges. This  decision  at  once  resulted  in  flooding  many 
districts  with  whiskey,  to  the  dismay  and  consterna- 
tion of  agents.  Other  courts  held  the  opposite  view 
of  the  matter ;  and  in  1895  the  Indian  Bureau  took 
the  first  steps  to  have  the  law  amended,  so  as  to  cover 
Indian  allottees  in  its  prohibitions.  Two  years  later, 
January  30,  1897,  a  new  act  (29  Stats.  506)  was  ap- 
proved by  the  President,  which  is  the  first  adequate 
law  dealing  with  the  sale  of  liquor  to  the  Indians  ever 
passed  by  Congress.  It  aims  to  restrict  the  sale  of 
intoxicating  liquors  of  all  kinds  to  Indians,  also  to 
those  who  have  been  given  allotments  in  severalty, 
and  have  been  made  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
but  who  remain  for  a  time  under  the  guardianship  and 
care  of  the  government ;  also  to  extend  the  prohibition 
against  the  introduction  of  intoxicating  liquors  into 
the  Indian  country,  so  as  to  make  it  cover  allotted 
lands  which  are  held  in  trust  by  the  United  States, 
or  that  are  held  by  the  Indians  without  tlie  right  of 
alienation.  The  punishment  is  imprisonment  for  not 
less  than  60  days  and  a  fine  of  not  less  than  -f  100  for 
the  first  offense,  and  not  less  than  $200  for  each  sub- 
sequent offense.  .Provided,  however,  that  the  person 
convicted  shall  be  committed  until  fine  and  costs  are 
paid. 

Great  hopes  for  the  future  are  built  on  this  law. 
AV^hether  it  will  be  better  enforced  than  those  preced- 
ing it  remains  to  be  seen.  At  present  the  activity  of 
the  government  in  suppressing  the  illegal  traffic  is  ex- 


RELATIONS  TO   THE  INDIANS.  209 

hibitecl  in  the  prosecution  of  from  two  to  five  hundred 
whiskey-dealers  annually.  How  many  are  finally  con- 
victed and  properly  punished,  we  do  not  know.  While 
the  law  has  been  insufficient,  its  enforcement  often  a 
farce,  and  vain  appeals  have  been  made  to  Congress, 
"  especial  pains  are  taken  (in  the  government  schools) 
to  inculcate  principles  of  temperance,  and  scientific  in- 
struction is  given  as  to  the  evil  effects  upon  the  human 
system  of  alcohol  and  narcotics." 


CHAPTER  YIII. 

SOCIAL   ASPECTS   OF  THE    SALOON   IN  GREAT   CITIES. 

With  superabundant  evidence  of  the  manifold  ills 
flowing  from  intemperance,  it  is  natural  that  the  saloon, 
as  the  fountain-head  and  distributing  centre  of  intoxi- 
cating drink,  should  haye  come  to  be  regarded  as  typi- 
fying the  vast  evils  resulting  from  the  liquor  habit, 
and  nothing  more. 

Latterly  men  have  begun  to  inquire  whether,  after 
aU.,  current  views  have  consigned  the  saloon  to  its 
proper  place  in  our  social  economy.  Recognizing  in 
the  saloon  a  social  institution  ancient  in  years,  flourish- 
ing under  all  conditions,  and  vital  enough  to  outlive  the 
^ercest  assaults  from  every  side,  they  have  raised  these 
questions :  —  If  the  saloon  be  but  a  destroying  force  in 
tJie  community,  how  could  it  thus  long  have  escaped 
destruction  ?  Since  the  saloon  remains,  is  it  not  palpa- 
ble that  it  ministers  to  deep-rooted  wants  of  men  which 
so  far  no  other  agency  supplies,  at  least  not  so  ade- 
quately ? 

The  commonly  accepted  estimate  of  the  saloon  is  a 
deduction  from  obvious  phenomena  of  saloon  life  as 
seen  from  the  outside,  but  not  necessarily  the  essence 
of  this  life.  The  questionings  of  this  estimate,  on  the 
other  hand,  arise  from  a  closer  acquaintance  with  the 
larger  functions  of  the  saloon,  and  the  conditions  which 
characterize  the  majority  of  its  patrons,  and  from  a 


SOCIAL  ASPECTS   OF  THE   SALOON.  211 

knowledge  of  what  it  means  to  them  in  opportunity  of 
various  kinds.  And  it  is  conceived  that  an  analysis 
of  the  saloon  upon  any  other  basis  than  close  per- 
sonal acquaintance  becomes  merely  so  much  psycho- 
logical study  of  the  mental  processes  of  the  investi- 
gator himself,  utterly  failing  of  its  purpose. 

Our  somewhat  fragmentary  studies  of  the  social 
aspects  of  the  saloon  rest  upon  local  observations  of 
saloon  life  undertaken  in  full  consciousness  of  the  far- 
reaching  chain  of  miseries  connected  with  the  saloon. 
Little  has  been  attempted  beyond  a  portrayal  of  what 
saloons  in  certain  localities  and  under  certain  condi- 
tions stand  for,  what  social  needs  they  supply,  and 
why  they  are  practically  without  rivals  in  their  own 
particular  field.  We  make  no  generalizations,  and 
merely  present  the  facts  as  they  appear  to  competent 
observers. 

Perhaps  in  no  other  large  city  in  the  country  has 
the  saloon  enjoyed  such  a  minimum  of  legal  restric- 
tions and  maximum  of  liberty  within  those  restric- 
tions as  in  Chicago ;  nowhere  else,  therefore,  has  its 
development  been  so  untrammeled.  Certain  phases  of 
saloon  life  in  this  city  are  described  by  Mr.  Ernest 
Carroll  Moore,  of  the  Hull  House,  in  the  following 
study  made  at  the  request  of  the  Committee  :  — 

CHICAGO.^ 

The  section  chosen  for  study  was  the  nineteenth 
ward  of  Chicago,  which  covers  an  area  of  about  eight 
tenths  of  a  square  mile.     Its  total  population,  accord- 

^  The  condensed  form  in  which  Mr.  Moore's  report  is  given  necessi- 
tated a  few  changes  in  language  for  which  we  are  responsible,  but  the 
thought  is  his  throughout. 


212  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

ing  to  the  school  census  of  1896,  is  48,191?  made  up  of 
twenty-four  or  more  nationalities,  the  predominating 
ones  being  distributed  as  follows :  Americans,  6184, 
Germans,  6721;  Italians,  5784;  Bohemians,  2944; 
About  one  half  of  all  the  inhabitants  of  foreign  par- 
entage are  American  born.  It  is  a  workingman's 
district,  and  its  population  is  typical  of  unskilled  labor 
in  general.  As  to  moral  conditions,  neither  the  ex- 
tremes of  vice  nor  of  virtue  are  reached,  while  the 
general  moral  tone  is  rather  healthful. 

There  are  about  two  hundred  saloons  in  the  ward, 
the  constant  change  in  their  number  precluding  an 
exact  statement.  These  saloons  were  visited  at  various 
hours  of  the  day  and  night.  We  did  the  things  which 
other  men  do  in  the  saloons.  They  were  our  loafing 
place,  news  centre,  place  for  discussion,  and  common 
meeting  ground,  while  the  free  lunch  counter  served  in 
large  part  as  the  basis  of  food  supply.  We  attempted 
to  live  the  life  of  a  saloon  patron,  trammeled  neither 
by  an  abstinence  pledge  or  opposition  alliance  of  any 
kind,  nor,  on  the  other  side,  by  the  slightest  predispo- 
sition for  its  wares. 

What  do  these  saloons  offer  which  causes  them  to 
be  so  generally  used  ?  The  answer  herein  attempted 
has  been  arrived  at  as  a  result  of  rather  careful  labor 
performed  under  conditions  of  cooperation  and  criti- 
cism, which  have  contributed  more,  perhaps,  than  is 
commonly  the  case  to  the  verity  of  its  results. 

In  the  first  place,  the  saloons  of  the  nineteenth 
ward  do  not  stand  for  intemperance  among  its  pa- 
trons ;  of  course  the  word  "  intemperance  "  is  here  used 
with  some  degree  of  elasticity.     But  in  visiting  some- 


SOCIAL  ASPECTS   OF  THE   SALOON.  213 

tiling  over  two  hundred  saloons  in  the  ward  at  various 
times  of  the  night  and  day,  I  saw  just  three  drunken 
men.  This  does  not  mean  that  many  others  had  not 
partaken  more  freely  than  was  good  for  them,  but  it 
does  mean  that  only  three  gave  evidence  of  intoxica- 
tion by  visible  lack  of  control.  It  may  be  said,  then, 
that  the  saloons  which  have  been  the  subject  of  this 
inquiry  do  not "  trade  in  or  batten  upon  intemperance," 
at  least  of  the  extreme  kind.  Intemperance,  as  evi- 
denced by  loss  of  outer  control  in  any  visible  degree, 
exists  hardly  at  all,  and  then  almost  always  in  habitual 
cases. 

As  to  the  general  character  of  the  patrons  of  the 
saloon,  it  must  be  said  unequivocally  that  it  does  not 
"  personify  the  vilest  elements  of  modern  civilization," 
unless  the  modern  civilization  all  about  us  in  this  local- 
ity be  regarded  as  monotonously  vile.  There  are  in 
all  but  two  saloons  known  to  the  police  and  to  the  public 
at  large  as  headquarters  of  gangs  of  thieves ;  and  there 
is  one  that  is  a  well-known  assignation  house.  But  it 
is  as  unfair  to  generalize  from  such  facts  that  the  sa- 
loon personifies  such  elements  as  it  would  be  to  declare 
that  the  home  personifies  them,  inasmuch  as  many 
more  homes  than  saloons  are  contaminated  by  their 
presence.  There  is  no  saloon  in  the  ward  which  is  a 
house  of  prostitution,  and  no  saloon  which  is  a  gam- 
blers' headquarters.  There  are  certain  saloons  in  other 
localities  which  personify  such  elements,  but  it  is  be- 
cause the  locality  personifies  them  also. 

If,  then,  these  saloons  do  not  personify  drunkenness 
or  crime,  they  must  exist  because  of  some  more  worthy 
and  more  normal  motive,  and  must  supply  some  more 


214  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

characteristic  need.  It  is  not  denied,  of  course,  that 
great  waste,  both  in  the  direction  of  drunkenness  and 
wickedness,  is  incident  to  the  saloon  as  an  institution, 
but  it  is  denied  that  it  stands  for  waste  alone.  For 
had  the  saloon  no  other  reason  for  being  retained  than 
mere  pleasurable  waste,  and  were  its  value  merely  a 
pathological  one,  it  would  long  since  have  suffered  the 
ordinary  fate  of  the  unfit. 

What  is  it  one  sees  inside  one  of  these  saloons? 
Not  a  riotous  company  intent  upon  reducing  itself  to 
intoxication,  but,  instead,  a  well-behaved  little  group 
of  men  who  play  cards  together,  read,  smoke,  and 
drink  a  glass  of  beer.  In  not  a  single  one  of  the 
many  such  groups  observed  did  drinking  seem  to  be 
the  most  important  thing.  One  can  watch  card  games 
in  saloons  in  the  Italian  quarters  for  hours  without 
seeing  a  single  drink  ordered.  So  also  can  he  attend 
famous  discussions  cai-ried  on  "  without  sticks "  in 
Irish  saloons,  in  which  not  a  drop  of  liquor  figures, 
whereas,  in  the  German  and  Bohemian  districts  a  sin- 
gle glass  of  beer  will  seem  a  sufficient  stimulus  to  in- 
duce a  period  of  prolonged  meditation.  Nowhere  did 
drinking  seem  to  be  the  principal  thing,  and  there  was 
a  whole  series  of  activities  besides.  Of  157  saloons, 
of  whose  inducements  an  accurate  list  was  kept,  35 
contained  chairs  and  card  tables,  92  offered  lunch 
free,  in  70  patrons  might  find  papers  and  an  oppor- 
tunity to  read  them,  58  contained  pool  tables,  3  offered 
the  use  of  a  piano  or  organ,  in  2  well-equipped  gym- 
nasiums were  to  be  found,  and  1  offered  the  use  of  a 
hand-ball  court  free.  This  is  a  part  of  the  equipment 
of  the  saloon  which  allows  it  to  function  to  a  social 


SOCIAL   ASPECTS   OF  THE   SALOON.  215 

use.  The  saloon  is  here  the  workingman's  club,  in 
which  many  of  his  leisure  hours  are  spent,  and  in 
which  he  finds  more  of  the  things  that  approximate 
luxury  than  in  his  home,  almost  more  than  he  finds  in 
any  other  public  place  in  the  ward. 

In  winter  the  saloon  is  warm,  in  summer  cool,  at 
night  it  is  brightly  lighted,  and  it  is  almost  always 
clean.  He  finds  there  nearly  all  that  clubs  offer  their 
members.  But  his  demand  for  these  things  is  not  fun- 
damental ;  they  are  but  the  means  to  his  social  expres- 
sion ;  it  is  the  society  of  his  fellows  that  he  must  have. 
The  need  of  workingmen's  clubs  in  localities  like  the 
one  considered  must  be  apparent.  At  best  the  home 
surroundings  for  those  who  live  by  daily  hard  labor 
on  a  small  wage,  often  supporting  a  large  family,  and 
subsisting  on  badly  cooked  food,  are  distressing 
enough,  and  cannot  fully  satisfy  the  social  cravings  of 
the  average  man.  Moreover,  there  is  a  fundamental 
demand  for  the  society  of  other  fellow-beings  which 
the  family  alone  cannot  supply.  The  crowds  of  non- 
understanding  poor  who  in  our  large  cities  flock  to 
free  lectures,  and  the  still  larger  numbers  who  congre- 
gate to  spend  a  comfortable  hour  in  the  society  of 
their  kind  wherever  a  mission  is  opened,  bear  witness 
to  this  truth.  Many  find  the  necessary  social  oppor- 
tunity in  what  is  to  them  its  most  satisfactory  form  in 
the  saloon. 

The  saloon-keeper  is  the  only  man  who  keeps  open 
house  in  the  ward.  It  is  his  business  to  entertain. 
His  democracy  is  one  element  of  his  strength.  His 
place  is  the  common  and  almost  without  exception  the 
only  meeting  ground  of  his  neighbors.     What  he  sup- 


216  THE  LTQUOR  PROBLEM. 

plies  renders  their  social  life  possible.  Furthermore, 
the  saloon-keeper  himself  is  a  social  attraction.  There 
is  an  accretion  of  intelligence  which  comes  to  him  in 
his  business.  He  hears  the  best  stories.  He  is  the 
first  to  get  information  about  the  latest  political  deals. 
Of  the  common  talk  of  the  day  which  passes  through 
his  ears,  he  retains  what  is  most  interesting.  He 
moves  in  a  larger  society,  composed  of  many  social 
leaders  like  himself,  who  together  come  to  have  a 
much  larger  place  and  power  than  the  average  citizen. 
Social  prestige,  which  elsewhere  is  determined  by  vari- 
ous other  values,  is  here  expressed  in  the  saloon.  It  is 
the  ready  intelligence,  the  power  derived  from  a  wide 
acquaintance,  which  command  local  respect.  He  is 
always  in  the  public  eye,  always  making  friends  in  a 
way  that  binds  men  to  him.  The  saloon-keeper  trusts 
his  patron,  a  thing  almost  no  one  else  does,  "  but  there 
is  not  a  saloon-keeper  in  Chicago  who  does  not  trust ; " 
and  this  becomes  the  patron's  debt  of  honor.  By  gen- 
erosity also  the  saloon-keepers  increase  their  seeming 
worth.  They  lend  money,  and  where  one  known  to 
them  is  in  great  need,  they  send  fuel,  food,  and  clothes. 
In  short,  the  saloon-keeper  is  regarded  in  his  own  com- 
munity as  "  a  man  with  a  warm  heart  and  a  glad 
hand,"  and,  unfortunately  for  his  community,  this 
characterization  is  too  often  true.  The  saloon-keeper 
as  a  politician  in  power,  with  spoils  to  distribute,  work 
to  give,  etc.,  becomes  an  even  larger  object  of  interest. 
Yet  direct  bribery  or  petty  corruption  is  by  no  means 
so  common  as  popularly  imagined.  Social  favor  is  the 
price  which  most  often  passes  current. 

The  social  stimulus  of  men  is  then  epitomized  in  the 


SOCIAL  ASPECTS  OP  THE   SALOON.  217 

saloon.  It  is  a  centre  of  learning,  books,  papers,  and 
lecture  hall  to  them.  It  is  the  clearing-house  for  com- 
mon intelligence,  the  place  where  their  philosoj^hy  of 
life  is  worked  out,  and  their  political  and  social  beliefs 
take  their  beginnings.  The  saloon  thus  not  only- 
stands  for  social  opportunity,  but  also  affords  the  con- 
ditions of  sociality.  And  it  is  for  these  two  reasons, 
the  independence  and  stimulation  which  it  offers,  that  it 
succeeds  in  attracting  men  so  much  more  successfully 
than  its  well-intentioned  rivals.  It  is  from  the  de- 
pressing effects  of  a  sub-normal  life  which  lacks  espe- 
cially in  opportunities  for  self-expression  and  cheer 
that  men  come  to  it. 

Stimulus  is  necessary  to  any  form  of  psychic  life. 
The  quality  of  a  psychic  life  depends  in  some  measure 
at  least  upon  the  quality  of  the  stimulus  presented. 
The  life  of  the  ordinary  workingman  is  made  up  of 
habits ;  and  yet  simply  because  of  this  fact  psychical 
energy,  which  is  unused  in  the  very  degree  in  which 
ordinary  activity  has  become  habitual,  seeks  the  more 
persistently  for  its  own  appropriate  form  of  expres- 
sion. And  because  the  proper  stimulus  to  psychic 
expression  is  either  foreign  to  the  conditions  or  is  not 
recognized  because  of  defective  education,  recourse  is 
had  to  the  false  stimulus  of  alcoholics.  Its  effect  is 
well  known  —  "  the  glow  of  warmth  spreads  over  the 
whole  system,  the  heart  beats  faster,  happy  thoughts 
crowd  in  upon  the  brain,  and  all  seems  life  and  light 
and  joy,  and  everything  without  and  within  wears  a 
roseate  hue." 

The  failure  of  ordinary  philanthropy  to  express  the 
sociality  of  the  life  of  the  common  man  seems,  there- 


218  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

fore,  traceable  to  two  causes  only,  the  greater  of  which 
is  his  inability  to  realize  normal  and  proper  stimulus 
when  presented.  The  second  cause  can  be  found  in 
the  improper  character  of  the  stimulus  itself.  But  the 
condition  which  the  false  stimulus  effects  is  one  which 
each  of  us  recognizes  as  highly  desirable,  only  there 
are  various  ways  of  reaching  it.  Polite  society  attains 
it  by  different  means.  The  stimulus  of  books,  pic- 
tures, and  good  music,  together  with  a  thousand  inci- 
dents which  make  for  well-adjusted  social  life,  are  here 
absent ;  and  the  constant  stimulus  of  purposive  intelli- 
gence, which  contributes  the  very  content  of  life  itself 
does  not  exist.  But  human  thought,  which  is  here  so 
bare  and  mean  in  opportunity,  demands  an  avenue  of 
expression,  and  finds  it  in  the  best  way  it  can,  which 
is  largely  through  the  stimulus  of  the  saloon.  And  as 
yet  society  has  been  unable  to  devise  processes  of  edu- 
cation and  bring  about  conditions  of  life  in  general 
which  shall  obviate  the  necessity  for  many  to  seek 
expression  through  the  medium  of  the  saloon,  though 
it  be  a  pathological  expression  of  the  meanest  kind. 

"  It  is  the  working  class  that  drink,"  and  the  above 
are  the  reasons  why  they  are  the  best  patrons  of  the 
saloons.  For  the  most  part  they  are  no  longer  young 
men,  and  life  has  become  more  or  less  fixed  and  settled 
in  the  possibilities  which  it  holds  out  to  them.  Of 
the  younger  men  who  become  regular  patrons  of  the 
saloon,  most,  I  am  assured,  do  so  because  of  a  desire 
to  be  "  tough"  and  to  appear  "  swagger  good  fellows  " 
in  the  little  societies  to  which  they  belong.  This  is 
due  to  the  survival  of  unfit  ideals  through  a  defective 
education.     These  are  the  exceptions  rather  than  the 


SOCIAL  ASPECTS  OF  THE  SALOON.  219 

rule.  The  saloon  must  look  to  the  older  men  in  the 
community  for  support,  to  men  over  thirty  years  of 
age.  The  percentage  of  these  who  are  unmarried, 
saloon-keepers  say,  is  quite  large,  and  yet  both  mar- 
ried and  unmarried  men  seem  to  patronize  it  for  the 
same  reason  ;  that  is,  the  ld,ck  of  social  opportunity, 
which,  of  course,  the  unmarried  man  feels  more  com- 
monly. He  is  more  alone  in  the  world,  is  under  larger 
obligation  to  prove  himself  a  good  fellow,  but  is  also 
more  free  from  responsibility. 

Possibly  no  more  exact  idea  of  the  extent  to  which 
the  saloon  functions  as  a  social  centre  in  this  locality 
can  be  had  than  that  implied  by  the  fact  that  a  popu- 
lation of  about  48,000  supports  over  200  saloons,  pri- 
marily, as  we  believe,  for  this  purpose.  At  the  same 
time,  other  comforts  offered  by  the  saloon  are  not  lost 
sight  of.  It  offers  among  other  things  the  cheapest 
necessaries  of  life  that  one  can  buy,  "  an  egg  or  a  clam 
free  with  every  drink,"  and  if  one  is  so  brazen  as  to 
take  all  he  can  get  he  will  have  no  difficulty  in  pur- 
chasing a  glass  of  beer,  a  "  red  hot  "  frankfurter,  and 
a  small  sandwich,  all  for  five  cents.  Besides,  the  use 
of  the  toilet  room,  a  chair,  and  a  stove  are  thrown  in. 
For  a  very  small  price  a  hungry  man  can  get  as  much 
as  he  wants  to  eat  and  drink.  As  a  rule  the  food  is 
notoriously  good  and  the  price  notoriously  cheap. 
And  that  air  of  poverty  which  unfailingly  pervades 
the  cheap  restaurant,  and  finds  its  adeqiiate  expression 
in  ragged  and  dirty  table  linen,  is  here  wanting.  In- 
stead, polished  oak  tables  are  used,  and  the  food  ap- 
pears in  such  abundance  as  to  give  one  a  sense  of 
security,  while  the  restaurant  would  have  done  its  best 


220  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

to  drive  home  the  consciousness  of  poverty.  That  the 
saloon  furnishes  the  necessaries  of  life  to  thousands 
and  feeds  them  well,  my  own  experience  of  lunching 
there  for  a  month  has  convinced  me.  It  is  worth  re- 
peating that  it  furnishes  the  common  lavatory  for  the 
entire  city.  It  should  be  remembered,  however,  that 
here,  at  least,  the  saloon  is  by  no  means  the  profitable 
institution  it  once  was ;  indeed,  profits  have  been  re- 
duced to  a  minimum,  and  more  saloon-keepers  than 
any  other  class  of  tradesmen  fail  in  business. 

Social  organization  is  not  common  in  this  locality, 
and  quite  uncommon  save  in  close  connection  with  the 
saloon.  The  few  pleasure  clubs  and  dancing  parties 
to  be  found  seem  to  depend  almost  directly  upon  the 
saloon  for  their  existence,  while  any  form  of  political 
activity  is  seldom  disassociated  from  it.  One  finds 
occasionally  self-existing  men's  clubs  that  are  removed 
from  the  saloon  only  to  the  extent  of  renting  their  own 
room  and  buying  their  beer  direct  from  the  brewer. 
Moreover,  it  must  be  noted  that  their  organization  is 
not  a  close  one,  that  they  escape  for  the  most  part  the 
conventions  of  order,  of  business  officers,  etc.,  and 
reach  a  larger  freedom  which  is  to  them  most  essential. 
But  there  is  one  form  of  club  life  farther  removed  from 
the  saloon  which,  while  not  so  democratic  as  the  ones 
just  mentioned,  has  succeeded  in  developing  a  series  of 
vital  interests  among  its  members,  has  enabled  them  to 
lay  hold  of  a  higher  form  of  stimulus,  and  to  the  same 
extent  has  freed  them  from  the  false  stimulus  of  the 
saloon.  We  refer  to  the  labor  union,  which  has  put 
new  meaning  into  the  lives  of  so  many  workingmen 
by  bringing  them  to  a  consciousness  of  their  value  to 


SOCIAL  ASPECTS   OF  THE  SALOON.  221 

society.  It  must  be  remembered,  however,  that  com- 
paratively few  workingmen  belong  to  unions,  and  that 
they  meet  but  seldom,  and  the  unions  thus  become  but 
incomplete  substitutes  for  the  saloon. 

A  series  of  social  activities  exist,  having  Hull  House 
for  their  centre,  which  are  non-related  substitutes  for 
the  saloon.  The  typical  form  is  a  social  club  for  young 
people  which  is  largely  self-elective  and  self-governing, 
but  which  exerts  a  most  summary  influence  on  the  lives 
of  its  members.  Its  purpose  is  to  afford  opportunities 
through  educational  work  which  is  not  too  difficult. 
It  is  safe  to  put  the  number  of  young  people  who  share 
in  the  activities  of  Hull  House  at  several  hundred. 

Of  churches,  there  is  a  Catholic  cathedral  at  one 
corner  of  the  ward,  with  an  estimated  membership  of 
about  20,000,  of  whom  10,000,  perhaps,  live  in  the 
ward.  Another  is  the  Bohemian  Catholic  Church, 
with  a  membership  of  about  500  from  this  locality.  Of 
Protestant  churches,  one  has  an  attendance  of  250  to 
300,  almost  all  of  whom  "  use  the  street  cars  in  reach- 
ing the  church,"  that  is,  live  outside  the  ward.  An- 
other is  a  church  supported  in  part  from  outside,  with 
an  average  attendance  of  about  40 ;  a  mission  with  an 
average  attendance  of  some  70 ;  a  Greek  church  for 
the  153  Greeks  who  live  here.  This  is  the  complete 
list  of  churches  in  the  ward.  Estimated  attendance  on 
these  churches  may  be  placed  at  11,012,  and  estimated 
attendance  elsewhere,  10,000  (this  is  very  high).  This 
in  a  population  of  48,191  gives  a  non-chureh-going 
population  of  27,179.  Our  figures  err  on  the  side  of 
too  great  liberality,  but  point  sufficiently  to  the  pov- 
erty of  the  religious  life  of  the  community. 


222  THE   LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

Night  schools  and  extension  classes  and  a  local 
branch  o£  the  public  library,  together  with  the  clubs 
and  classes  organized  under  the  Cathedral  Sodality, 
constitute  a  series  of  educational  substitutes  for  the 
saloon.  There  is  at  present  one  night  school  in  the 
ward.  It  has  an  average  attendance  of  some  250,  of 
whom  about  75  are  of  the  age  and  sex  to  whom  the 
saloon  appeals. 

The  local  branch  of  the  public  library  is  one  of  the 
best  working  institutions  in  the  ward.  Not  only  does 
it  give  out  hundreds  of  books,  but  it  furnishes  a  free 
reading-room  to  an  average  of  about  200  people  a 
day.  Extension  classes  organized  and  conducted  at 
Hull  House  number  some  300  young  men  and  women 
among  their  members.  The  Sodality  clubs  for  men 
number  about  750  who  attend  more  or  less  regularly. 
These  clubs  seem  to  be  religious  rather  than  social,  and 
they  claim  attention  here  only  because  they  have  their 
own  reading-room,  card  and  billiard  room,  library,  etc. 
Yet  these  form  so  small  a  part  of  the  life  of  the  clubs 
that  it  is  doubtful  if  they  can  be  classified  as  a  substi' 
tute  for  the  saloon  distinct  from  the  church  itself. 

But  none  of  these  institutions  function  to  any  great 
extent  as  a  substitute  for  the  saloon.  Crowded  as  they 
are,  they  reach  a  comparatively  small  number  of  peo- 
ple, and  these  for  a  large  part  young  people,  freer  in 
a  measure  from  the  heavier  burdens  of  existence.  The 
church  privileges^  offered  are  not  such  as  to  rival  the 
saloon.  The  public  library  does  reach  out  and  hold  a 
large  number  of  men  who  would  otherwise  be  unoccu- 
pied, and  so  would  be  likely  to  use  the  opportunities 
which  the  saloon  offers.     But  the  numbers  in  its  read- 


SOCIAL  ASPECTS   OF  THE   SALOON.  223 

iiig-room  are  haixlly  more  than  might  be  counted  inside 
the  fairly  successful  saloon  during  its  longer  day. 

The  night  school  meets  a  want  which  it  doubtless 
stirs  up  in  most  cases.  Yet  in  some  cases,  at  least, 
the  want  itself  would  be  sufficient  to  keep  the  pupils 
from  dependence  on  the  saloon,  and  to  this  degree  the 
school  cannot  be  called  a  substitute.  The  other  study 
classes  appeal  to  people  who  as  yet  are  quite  free  from 
dependence  on  the  saloon. 

NEW   YORK. 

On  Manhattan  Island  throughout  its  length  and 
breadth,  in  Brooklyn  and  the  other  boroughs  of  Greater 
New  York,  counterparts  of  just  such  saloons  as  Mr. 
Moore  found  in  Chicago  may  be  counted  by  hundreds, 
differing  only  so  far  as  local  conditions  give  them  a 
peculiar  stamp.  In  the  down-town  section  of  the 
famous  East  Side  of  New  York,  the  drink  places  have 
perhaps  attained  the  most  characteristic  development ; 
at  least,  nowhere  in  the  city  are  the  various  types,  dis- 
tinguished by  the  nationalities  chiefly  patronizing  them, 
more  pronounced. 

South  of  East  Houston  Street  and  east  of  the  Bow- 
ery lies  one  of  the  most  densely  populated  tenement 
districts  in  the  world,  for  the  larger  part  inhabited  by 
Russian,  Polish,  and  German  Jews.  Other  nationalities 
are  also  found  in  respectable  numbers,  but  the  place  is 
for  the  time  the  chosen  abode  of  the  toiling  mass  of 
Hebrews.  The  lowliest  of  skilled  laborers,  the  cloth- 
ing makers,  live  there  in  teeming  numbers,  so  do  ped- 
dlers, small  shopkeepers,  and  artisans  of  all  kinds ;  in 
short,  occupations  of  infinite  variety  are  represented. 


224  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

In  the  circumstances  and  environment  of  most  of  the 
Jews  there  is  much  to  suggest  causes  of  intemperance. 
Physically  they  are  not  robust ;  many  are  afflicted  with 
pulmonary  tuberculosis ;  they  are  often  lonely ;  they 
work  and  live  under  unhygienic  conditions,  in  sweat 
shops,  for  instance.  Many,  such  as  the  peddlers,  eke 
out  the  barest  existence,  through  long  days  and  even- 
ings exposed  to  inclement  weather,  with  little  to  eat. 
At  best  the  food  of  these  people  is  of  inferior  quality, 
and  at  times,  alas,  the  poorest  is  hard  to  get.  Why 
should  they  not  drink  ? 

For  whiskey  the  Russian  and  Polish  Jews  have  a 
decided  liking,  ascribing  to  it  great  medicinal  virtues, 
and  often  giving  it  in  unwise  doses  to  sick  babies. 
Except  among  the  German  Jews,  the  taste  for  malt 
liquors  is  not  yet  strongly  developed.  In  greater  or 
less  quantities  all  use  alcoholic  beverages  in  some  form. 
Roughly  estimated,  the  district  supports  one  drink 
place  to  about  300  inhabitants,  which  means  that  there 
are  at  least  four  saloons  to  the  block,  sometimes  more. 
Not  a  few  of  the  saloons  are  owned  by  Jews,  others 
cater  exclusively  to  Jewish  patronage  ;  in  fact,  without 
it  scores  would  have  to  close  their  doors.  As  a  rule 
these  shojis,  half  saloon,  half  restaurant,  in  which  Eng- 
lish is  rarely  spoken,  and  the  very  signs  of  which  are 
in  "  Yiddish,"  are  quiet  and  decent  enough,  though  not 
over  clean.  Their  attractions,  as  well  as  the  prices 
of  their  wares,  vary  according  to  the  class  of  custom 
sought. 

Here,  then,  we  find  saloon-keepers  and  saloon  patrons 
of  a  most  abstemious  race,  thrifty  often  to  penurious- 
ness,  among  whom  drunkards  are  exceedingly  rare,  who 


SOCIAL  ASPECTS   OF  THE   SALOON.  225 

indeed  frequently  express  the  utmost  contempt  for  those 
becoming  slaves  to  the  liquor  habit.  Yet  they  drink,  and 
the  saloon  is  to  them  an  important  institution.  It  is  not 
poverty  that  keeps  them  from  over-indulgence,  for  the 
Irish  'longshoreman  in  the  next  block  who  is  in  just 
as  dire  straits  finds  opportunity  for  many  a  drunken 
orgie  ;  and  these  people  are  known  to  risk  their  savings 
in  gambling.  Neither  are  they  abstemious  from  prin- 
ciple. Total  abstinence  is  not  preached,  much  less 
practiced  ;  the  use  of  wine  is  a  part  of  their  religion, 
and  they  share  it  with  their  children.  Not  lacking  for 
incentives  to  drink  to  forgetfulness,  they  deserve  con- 
sideration as  the  decent  in  the  community,  as  a  "  family 
peojile  "  whose  often  pitiable  condition  can  but  in  the 
rarest  instances  be  traced  to  intemperance  and  result- 
ing viciousness. 

Nevertheless,  thousands  of  Hebrews  are  habitues  of 
the  saloon,  and,  be  it  remembered,  exclusively  their 
own  saloons.  To  assert  that  these  saloons  stand  for 
intemperance  first,  or  even  to  a  considerable  extent, 
would  be  to  deny  every  known  fact  concerning  their 
patrons.  It  is  not  enough  to  say  that  they  solely  owe 
their  attractiveness  to  the  fact  that  they  "  epitomize  the 
comforts  and  luxuries  of  the  locality,"  or  that  merely  a 
sense  of  discomfort  pervading  the  dark  tenement  home, 
with  its  tired,  unkempt  wife  and  restless  children,  leads 
to  its  use,  or  in  many  cases  the  absence  of  a  place 
called  home.  No,  at  bottom  it  must  be  craving  for 
fellowship  underlying  the  unrest  of  the  workingman's 
idle  hours  that  draws  him  to  the  saloon.  There  he  finds 
what  the  average  family  life  cannot  supjDly  and  what  no 
other   institution   offers.     Because   he  knows  nothing 


226  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

better  he  resorts  to  the  use  of  liquor  as  a  "  stimulus 
to  social  expression." 

Between  the  Bowery  and  Broadway,  running  south 
from  East  Houston  Street  to  Canal  Street,  is  the  prin- 
cipal Italian  quarter  of  the  city.  Of  the  inhabitants, 
numbering  about  30,000,  nearly  two  thirds  are  Italians. 
They  rejjresent  all  classes,  from  the  poorest,  who  find 
most  of  their  food  in  garbage  boxes,  to  the  opulent 
banker  and  his  fellow,  the  padrone.  Most  of  them  be- 
long to  the  order  of  unskilled  labor  of  a  lowly  type. 
No  other  nationality  counts  so  many  men  without  fam- 
ilies, or  is  from  the  nature  of  their  occupations  so 
migratory  in  character  as  the  Italian.  It  follows  that 
relatively  few  have  fixed  abodes.  Even  those  among 
them  who  are  employed  in  remunerative  occupations 
are  fortunate  if  they  can  escape  spending  much  of  the 
year  in  idleness.  It  is  well  within  the  truth  to  say 
that  the  average  Italian  in  New  York  does  not  find 
steady  employment  for  more  than  five  and  a  half 
months  of  the  year.  According  to  the  Ninth  Special 
Report  of  the  United  States  Commissioner  of  Labor, 
the  average  time  of  non-employment  of  the  unem- 
ployed in  Italian  families  of  Chicago  was  7.2  months 
per  year. 

As  a  class  the  Italians  live  wretchedly,  in  ignorance 
of  all  laws  of  hygiene.  Their  food  is  often  unwhole- 
some and  usually  badly  cooked.  Added  to  this  is  the 
fact  that  a  multitude  of  the  men  who  are  unmarried 
or  who  left  their  families  behind  are  herded  in  board- 
ing-houses, if  so  dignified  a  name  can  be  applied  to  the 
establishments  conducted  by  the  padroni,  there  living 
no  small  part  of  the  time  in  nearly  absolute  inactivity. 


SOCIAL  ASPECTS   OF  THE   SALOON.  227 

What  wonder  that  the  saloons  attract  men  under  these 
conditions  !  It  is  the  one  place  offering  cheer  and  light 
and  relief  from  fearful  monotony  —  the  one  place  in 
which  they  are  understood  and  always  welcome. 

Of  the  150  saloons  or  so  in  the  district,  a  majority 
depend  upon  the  Italian  trade ;  some  have  no  other. 
In  the  veriest  sense  many  of  them  are  the  clubs  of  the 
Italian  workingmen.  No  matter  how  crowded  the 
quarters  and  mean  the  appointments,  they  are  infinitely 
better  than  those  of  the  averasre  tenement.  From 
morning  tiU  night  they  are  thronged  with  idlers  who 
pass  the  smallest  poi-tion  of  the  time  in  drinking.  The 
consumption  of  beer,  however,  which  takes  the  place 
of  the  light  wines  of  Italy,  is  considerable ;  much  is 
taken  home  to  be  divided  with  the  wife  and  children. 
Little  whiskey  is  drunk.  It  has  been  stated  that  in 
numeroiis  instances  the  family  expenditure  for  beer  is 
largely  in  excess  of  that  spent  for  milk. 

Drinking  to  the  point  of  intoxication  is  the  excep- 
tion in  these  saloons,  for  the  Italians  are  a  temperate 
people.  To  them  the  saloon  means  in  the  first  instance 
social  opportunity  unpurchasable  elsewhere  for  any 
price  within  their  reach,  and  without  which  their  lives 
would  be  a  dreary  waste.  Drink,  though  inseparable 
from  the  saloon,  does  not  appear  to  be  indulged  in  by 
a  majority  merely  for  di'ink's  sake,  but  as  a  means  to 
greater  sociality  and  an  unavoidable  tribute  for  the 
privileges  of  the  place.  To  deny  that  some  of  these 
saloons  are  vile  and  shelter  vicious  elements  of  the 
population  would  be  to  betray  ignorance  of  a  portion 
of  the  Italian  population.  Police  court  records  fur- 
nish the  evidence  in  point.     But  we  are  not  dealing 


228  THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

witli  the  exceptions.  Wherever  Italians  congregate  in 
large  numbers,  their  relations  to  saloon  life  are  similar 
to  those  described. 

The  characteristics  of  the  ordinary  German  beer 
shops,  such  as  abound  in  the  typically  German  districts, 
are  so  generally  known  that  little  need  be  said  about 
them.  One  observes  in  them  a  large  consumption  of 
beer  and  various  foods,  little  visible  intoxication,  and 
an  air  of  heartiness  (  Gemiithliclilceit)  all  the  Gei'man's 
own.  It  is  expected  that  the  patron  will  take  his  ease 
here,  every  convenience  being  afforded  for  that  pur- 
pose ;  and  other  means  than  drinking  are  at  hand  to 
pass  the  idle  hour. 

In  the  degree  that  beer  to  the  German  is  a  necessary 
of  life,  in  the  same  degree  the  saloon  stands  for  beer 
drinking,  but  not  for  a  place  of  inebriation.  If  it 
were  but  this,  would  the  self-respecting  German  work- 
man take  his  wife  and  other  female  members  of  his 
family  there  ?  A  craving  for  Geselligkeit  is  probably 
more  developed  among  the  Germans  than  among  any 
other  people.  The  saloon  provides  the  only  place  in 
which  it  can  be  obtained  for  a  nominal  price  by  thou- 
sands of  sober  and  thrifty  Germans.  To  them  more 
than  to  any  other  people,  the  "  beer  hall  "  is  a  family 
resort,  and  its  principal  ware  is  in  too  common  use  to 
be  considered  in  the  least  as  a  temptation. 

The  typical  Irish  saloon  seems  in  some  respects  a 
passing  institution  in  New  York.  The  German  model 
is  more  and  more  copied,  and  the  Irishman  is  learning 
from  his  Teutonic  neighbor  wisdom  in  drinking.  Yet 
it  will  hardly  be  questioned  that  the  most  representa- 
tive Irish  saloons  stand  for  immoderate  drinking  and 


SOCIAL  ASPECTS  OF  THE   SALOON.  229 

drunkenness  in  greater  measure  than  any  others.  Nev- 
ertheless, where  the  hardest  drinking  prevails,  for  in- 
stance in  the  saloons  frequented  by  sailors  and  'long- 
shoremen along  the  water  front,  it  is  undeniable  that 
the  desire  for  sociality  is  one  of  the  chief  attractions. 
Except  so  far  as  certain  occupations,  for  example  that 
of  the  'longshoreman,  seem  to  generate  a  craving  for 
stimulants,  it  is  difficult  to  understand  why  social 
drinking  is  so  quickly  abused  by  the  Irish.  That  the 
Irish  saloon  more  than  any  other  combines  political 
activity  with  its  other  functions  is  well  known. 

Although  confining  our  attention  as  we  do  to  the 
saloons  chiefly  patronized  by  the  manual  laborers,  since 
it  is  for  the  latter  that  the  overwhelming  number  of 
drink  places  exist,  we  have  not  forgotten  that  in  the 
midst  of  the  swarming  tenement  districts  are  saloons 
of  a  very  different  type  from  those  described.  There 
are  moral  sinks  designated  by  the  name  of  saloons, 
though  drink  selling  is  not  always  their  immediate  pur- 
pose, the  vileness  of  which  beggars  description.  Hap- 
pily, saloons  that  are  the  haunts  of  the  criminal  class 
or  homes  of  prostitution  are  in  the  minority.  It  may 
be  said  in  passing  that  on  the  East  Side  abandoned 
women  infest  largely  so-called  cafes  where  liquor  is 
illegally  sold,  and  comparatively  few  saloons. 

There  are,  however,  some  drink  places  that  are  no- 
thing else,  that  depend  upon  confirmed  drunkards  for  a 
living.  Yet  even  in  some  of  these  the  patrons,  long 
since  lost  to  manhood  or  womanhood,  find  along  with 
drink  the  only  place  which  offers  shelter  and  a  certain 
welcome.  A  lodging  business  is  sometimes  combined 
with  drink  selling.-     When  the   closing  hour  comes. 


230  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

the  remaining  customers  mark  witli  a  piece  of  chalk  a 
spot  on  the  floor  the  length  and  breadth  of  their  bodies. 
Here  they  lie  down  to  sleep,  paying  the  proprietor  five 
cents  for  the  "  spot."  Purchasers  of  "  spots  "  some- 
times belong  to  the  class  of  women  known  on  the  East 
Side  as  "  scrubs."  They  are  mostly  elderly  drinkers, 
without  ties,  without  hope,  too  deficient  mentally  to 
have  activity  in  any  sphere,  and  too  old  to  build  on. 

Are  there  any  true  substitutes  for  the  saloon  in  New 
York?  We  do  not  believe  that  the  saloon-keeper  con- 
siders that  he  has  other  serious  rivals  than  those  com- 
peting with  him  for  trade.  We  are  mindful  of  the 
heroic  work  done  by  the  settlements,  churches,  and  mis- 
sions, but  it  is  on  the  whole  of  a  preventive  nature, 
unless  we  except  the  influence  of  individual  upon  indi- 
vidual ;  and  institutions  to  assume  the  peculiar  func- 
tions of  the  saloon  are  not  provided.  The  clubs  and 
classes  of  the  settlements  have  proved  their  value,  and 
probably  take  stronger  hold  than  similar  organizations 
connected  with  the  churches,  since  their  influence  is  not 
impaired  by  ecclesiastical  differences.  Above  all,  so 
few  are  the  agencies  directly  aiming  to  counteract  the 
saloon  that  the  mass  of  people  are  unreached  and  as 
yet  unreachable. 

BOSTON. 

In  a  recently  published  study  by  the  South  End 
House  ^  of  social  conditions  in  the  so-called  South  End 
of  Boston,  we  get  a  picture  of  saloons  contrasting  in 
some  respects  with  those  already  given.  It  must  be 
remembered,  however,  that  the  South  End   is  not  a 

1  The  City  Wilderness,  Boston,  1898. 


SOCIAL   ASPECTS   OF  THE   SALOON,  231 

typical  workingman's  district.  To  be  sure  there  is  here 
a  "  dense  lodging-house  and  tenement-house  popula- 
tion representing  all  nationalities  and  every  grade  of 
middle  class  and  working  class  existence."  But  it  is 
very  far  from  being  representative  either  of  honest 
skilled  or  unskilled  labor.  "  Its  traditions  are  on  the 
side  of  moral  laxity.  Formerly  for  a  period  of  years 
this  district  was  left  to  its  own  devices.  All  sorts  of 
evil  flourished  here  with  but  little  interference  from 
any  source.  .  .  .  Immorality  still  persists  in  expecting 
to  be  freer  from  molestation  here  than  elsewhere.  .  .  . 
Comparatively  free  as  the  district  is  from  crimes  of  a 
more  serious  kind,  it  is  nevertheless  infested  by  suspi- 
cious characters  of  all  sorts  and  many  lawbreakers." 
The  saloons  and  drink  habits  are  thus  described :  — 
"  In  1897  the  number  of  liquor  licenses,  including 
those  for  groceries,  wholesale  liquor  establishments, 
restaurants,  and  saloons,  was  almost  exactly  200.  About 
100  of  them  were  ordinary  bar-rooms  ;  this  it  should 
be  remembered  is  in  an  area  of  less  than  three  quar- 
ters of  a  square  mile.  Besides  the  licensed  places 
there  are  a  number  of  resorts  where  liquor  is  sold  ille- 
gally. As  one  would  infer  from  the  number  and  vari- 
ety of  the  drinking-places,  the  liquor  habit,  in  some 
degree,  is  very  general  throughout  the  section.  In 
certain  neighborhoods  it  is  practically  universal  among 
both  men  and  women.  Women,  however,  are  forbid- 
den by  police  regulations  to  patronize  the  bar-rooms. 
In  a  very  large  number  of  cases  drinking  is  excessive. 
As  to  the  causes  of  drunkenness,  so  far  as  they  can  be 
got  at,  some  act  here  as  they  act  everywhere,  and  some 
are  involved  in  social  conditions.     Chief  of  the  general 


232  THE  LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

causes  is  the  craving  for  excitement.  The  poor  man 
drinks  in  the  midst  of  his  lack,  just  as  the  rich  man 
drinks  in  the  midst  of  his  surfeit.  Both  in  the  ordi- 
nary round  of  their  lives  seek  a  stimulus  to  lift  them 
out  of  their  inertia."  .  .  .  To  the  question,  Is  the  sa- 
loon the  poor  man's  club  ?  it  is  replied,  "  In  our  dis- 
trict it  undertakes  to  be  that  merely  in  the  restricted 
sense  of  having,  in  many  cases,  a  tolerably  well-defined 
group  of  patrons,  who  come  to  have  certain  privileges. 
With  a  few  exceptions  the  saloons  provide  no  seats. 
Most  of  them  have  but  limited  free  space  outside  the 
bar.  Loitering  here  after  the  drink  is  finished  is  not 
encouraged.  Indeed,  the  loafer  would  be  invited  to 
give  way  to  new  arrivals.  In  the  case  of  the  poor 
man  the  street  is  his  hospitable  club  rather  than  the 
saloon.  Here  he  will  meet  his  companions,  resorting 
to  the  saloon  for  drinking  only.  There  are  two  or 
three  German  saloons  that  provide  chairs  and  tables, 
and  here  men  may  pass  the  entire  evening  over  their 
beer,  papers,  and  games.  But  the  constituency  of  these 
resorts  is  necessarily  limited.  The  gilded  saloon  with 
its  welcoming  warmth,  its  cheery  light,  and  other  en- 
ticements, where  for  the  price  of  two  or  three  glasses 
of  liquor  the  poor  man  may  pass  the  evening  with  boon 
companions,  hardly  exists  in  the  district. 

"  The  reason  for  this  is  the  necessity  of  good  order 
imposed  by  the  Board  of  Police  ;  and  as  all  screens  are 
forbidden,  every  passing  citizen  is  in  effect  a  police 
officer.  Under  this  same  constraint,  the  saloon  does 
not  in  every  case  use  all  possible  means  to  increase  its 
trade.  While  it  may  resort  to  various  devices  for 
drawing  men  in,  as  the  free  lunch,  pugilistic  news,  and 


SOCIAL  ASPECTS   OF  THE  SALOON.  233 

baseball  returns,  yet  there  are  instances  where  it  inten- 
tionally cuts  down  the  sale  of  liquor.  It  is  somewhat 
surprising  to  find  that  a  sedative  is  not  infrequently 
given,  unknown  to  the  customer,  to  lessen  the  mor- 
bid craving.  There  is  a  firm  that  has  the  curious 
business  of  manufacturing  such  a  sedative,  which  it 
sells  in  large  quantities  to  saloon-keepers  throughout 
the  city.  Some  saloons,  also,  apparently  do  not  try 
to  force  their  trade  much  beyond  the  demand  already 
existing  in  their  immediate  neighborhoods." 

In  other  parts  of  Boston,  notably  in  Roxbury, 
Charlestown,  and  East  Boston,  as  well  as  in  the  foreign 
colonies  of  the  North  End,  saloons  nearer  in  character 
to  those  of  the  ninth  ward  of  Chicago  are  far  from 
wanting,  though  police  regulations  have  robbed  them 
of  much  of  that  privacy  which  they  in  other  places 
extend  to  their  customers. 

SAN  FEANCISCO. 

From  a  report  made  at  the  request  of  the  committee 
by  Mr.  Kendric  Charles  Babcock,  resident  worker  of 
the  South  Park  Settlement,  we  make  the  following 
extract : — 

"  The  saloon  is  prominently  at  the  front  as  a  social 
centre  in  San  Francisco  for  several  classes  of  people ; 
not  merely  the  lower  and  middle  classes  resort  to  them, 
but  also  the  considerable  gambling  and  sporting  popu- 
lation of  this  very  cosmopolitan  city.  ...  In  the 
cheap  saloons,  cards  are  offered  instead  of  billiards, 
and  the  attraction  of  gambling  is  added  to  that  of  the 
ordinary  saloon.  In  most  of  these  places,  the  early  part 
of   the  evenins:  sees  the   tables  and  cards  well  used. 


234  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

What  the  place  lacks  in  fittings,  the  saloon-keeper 
makes  up  by  his  cordiality.  He  knows  the  habitues, 
he  greets  them  heartily,  he  establishes  personal  rela- 
tions with  the  men,  frequently  loaning  them  small 
sums  when  they  get  in  a  '  tight  place,'  and  becomes  as 
nearly  as  any  one  a  real  friend  of  the  man  who  lives  in 
boarding-houses  or  tenements. 

"In  San  Francisco  the  great  majority  of  the  gro- 
ceries are  also  saloons.  ...  It  is  sometimes  difficult 
to  tell  which  element  of  trade  is  the  more  predominant, 
the  day  trade  in  groceries  or  the  day  and  night  traffic 
in  liquor.  Through  the  day  these  places  are  carrying 
on  both  trades,  women  and  children  go  to  them  freely 
for  groceries  and  sometimes  for  pails  of  beer.  They 
find  the  liquor  traffic  on  precisely  the  same  plane  as 
the  bread  or  sugar  trade.  At  night  the  men  drop  in  as 
to  an  ordinary  saloon.  .  .  . 

"  The  saloon  is  a  great  meeting-place  for  the  young 
men  both  in  the  evening  and  on  Sundays,  for  there  is 
nothing  even  suggesting  any  midnight  or  Sunday  clos- 
ing regulation.  Every  place  is  as  wide  open  as  its  doors 
and  doorkeeper  will  allow.  The  saloon  is  a  rendezvous 
for  those  who  want  companionship  and  for  those  who 
want  special  meetings  or  conferences,  but  have  no  con- 
venient place  elsewhere.  This  is  especially  true  in  the 
tenement  and  cheap  boarding-house  part  of  the  city, 
commonly  known  as  '  South  of  Market  Street.'  In  this 
district  there  are  within  an  area  of  64  rather  small 
blocks  440  saloons.  ...  In  some  cases  married  couples 
go  to  these  saloons,  because  fuel  and  lights  are  thus  dis- 
pensed with,  and  because  the  place,  bare  though  it  may 
be,  is  really  more  comfortable  and  cheery  than  their 
own  so-called  homes. 


SOCIAL   ASPECTS  OF  THE   SALOON.  235 

"  The  substitutes  for  the  saloon  are  very  few  and 
are  mainly  of  an  educational  or  religious  character, 
especially  in  the  '  South  of  Market  Street '  region. 
They  comprise  branch  Public  Library  Reading-Rooms, 
Salvation  Army  quarters,  League  of  the  Cross  armories, 
the  Episcopalian  Good  Samaritan  Mission,  several 
boys'  clubs,  the  Sailors'  Home,  other  seamen's  clubs, 
containing  billiards,  reading-rooms,  etc.  Taken  alto- 
gether, it  is  clear  that  the  extent  to  which  all  of  these 
agencies  enter  into  competition  with  the  440  saloons  is 
almost  insignificant ;  and  there  is  little  or  no  coopera- 
tion among  them." 

PITTSBUEGH. 

A  fairly  close  acquaintance  with  the  saloons  in  Pitts- 
burgh leads  us  to  say  that  they  share  the  main  features 
of  drink  places  in  the  other  cities  of  which  we  have 
given  some  account.  It  is  interesting,  however,  to 
learn  what  agencies  are  found  within  a  limited  area, 
peopled  by  the  lower  order  of  laborers,  that  serve  in 
some  measure  as  counter  attractions  or  substitutes  for 
the  saloon.  The  area  in  question  covers  the  ninth  and 
tenth  wards  of  the  city,  within  which  the  social  settle- 
ment known  as  the  Kingsley  House  has  its  sphere  of 
activity.  For  our  facts  we  are  indebted  to  Miss  Ethel 
R.  Evans,  one  of  the  residents  of  the  settlement. 

The  two  wards  have  a  population  of  about  7000, 
mainly  Irish,  Germans,  and  Poles.  About  39  licensed 
saloons  and  a  large  number  of  unlicensed  ones  ("  speak- 
easies ")  are  found  within  the  ward  limits  ;  further- 
more, there  are  three  private  clubs  at  which  liquor  is 
always  obtainable,  with  a  membership  of  from  175  to 


236  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

200 ;  and  tlie  rules  about  inviting  guests  are  very  elas- 
tic. 

Outside  the  two  small  Protestant  and  three  large 
Catholic  churches,  the  agencies  that  may  to  some  ex- 
tent serve  to  attract  people  away  from  the  saloons  are 
the  following :  1.  A  young  men's  club  of  15  members, 
which  has  its  own  room  and  furnishes  means  for  social 
intercourse  without  the  use  of  liquor.  2.  A  Young 
Men's  Institute  connected  with  the  Irish  Catholic 
Church,  membership  300  ;  meetings  are  held  only  once 
a  week  at  present,  but  it  is  expected  to  keep  the  rooms 
open  every  evening,  to  provide  a  pool  table,  etc.  3.  A 
temperance  society  of  90  members  connected  with  the 
same  church.  It  has  rooms  provided  with  games,  etc., 
and  is  accessible  daily.  4.  A  library  and  dramatic 
society  connected  with  the  German  Catholic  Church ; 
age  limit  18,  and  usual  attendance  10  to  15.  It  has  a 
bowling  alley,  one  pool  table,  and  a  very  small  library. 
6.  The  Polish  Catholic  Church  also  has  a  young  men's 
club  with  a  membership  of  40  and  an  average  attend- 
ance of  about  10. 

The  above,  with  the  clubs  and  classes  of  the  Kings- 
ley  House,  make  a  complete  list  of  the  agencies  which 
in  a  very  restricted  sense  can  be  said  to  compete  with 
the  saloons  as  centres  of  social  activity.  Comment  is 
superfluous. 

We  have  dwelt  on  the  place  which  the  saloon  takes 
in  the  life  of  the  work-classes  in  some  cities,  with  spe- 
cial reference  to  nationalities.  We  are  fortunate  in 
being  able  to  close  this  chapter  with  some  remarks  on 
the  general  relations  of  the  workingmen  of  this  country 


SOCIAL   ASPECTS  OF  THE  SALOON.  237 

to  the  saloons  regardless  of  nationalities,  from  the  pen 
of  Professor  Walter  A.  Wyckoff,  author  of  "The 
Workers,"  whose  large  personal  experience  as  one  of 
the  workers  lends  peculiar  authority  to  his  words. 

"  My  short  association  with  workingmen  in  this  coun- 
try gave  to  me  a  very  strong  impression  of  the  perfect 
adaptation  to  their  social  needs  which  the  saloon  as  an 
institution  supplies.  There  is  no  social  fact  apart 
from  the  family  which  seems  to  me,  by  reason  of  its 
strength  and  efficiency,  to  bear  comparison  with  the 
saloon  in  its  influence  upon  the  lives  of  workingmen 
in  America. 

"  And  the  perfectness  of  adaptation  arises  from  the 
natural  growth  of  the  institution  rather  than  from  con- 
scious premeditation.  No  institution  so  perfect  could 
possibly  be  devised ;  it  must  be  the  result  of  develop- 
ment. 

"  The  animus  in  the  enterprise  as  an  enterprise  is  per- 
fectly plain  :  it  springs  from  the  keen  competition  in  a 
business  crowded,  as  perhaps  few  forms  of  retail  trade 
are  crowded  by  individual  enterprises.  The  person- 
ality of  the  proprietor  and  his  employees  may  have 
much  to  do  with  the  success  of  the  saloon ;  certainly 
his  intimate  knowledge  of  the  social  needs  of  his  cli- 
entele has  much  to  do  with  it.  It  is  a  serious  mistake 
to  suppose  that  saloon-keepers  as  a  class  are  bent  upon 
the  destruction  of  their  fellow-men  and  callous  to  any 
appeal  for  help  from  their  victims.  Saloon-keepers  as 
a  class  are  bent  on  making  money,  very  often  deeply 
concerned  about  making  a  bare  living,  and  not  infre- 
quently they  are  men  of  quite  singular  practical  help- 
fulness to  the   needy  about  them.      From   the  range 


238  THE  LIQUOR   PROBLEM. 

and  accuracy  of  his  personal  knowledge  of  the  poor, 
many  a  saloon-keeper  gives  far  more  timely  and  prac- 
tical help  to  the  destitute  of  his  neighborhood  than  is 
forthcoming  from  well-intentioned  acts  of  outside  phi- 
lanthropy. 

"  Let  a  man  be  out  of  work  and  homeless  upon  the 
streets  of  a  city,  and  he  very  soon  discovers  that  the 
saloons  are  his  natural  and  almost  his  inevitable  resort. 
The  few  cents  which  he  may  pick  up  at  odd  jobs  will 
procure  for  him  there  at  the  free  lunch  counters  the 
palatable  fare  that  three  or  four  times  the  amount  would 
barely  purchase  at  any  restaurant.  And  at  the  saloon 
he  rids  himself,  for  the  time  at  least,  of  the  horrible 
sense  of  isolation  which  weighs  heavily  upon  working- 
men  who  are  in  honest  search  for  employment.  He 
understands  the  social  atmosphere  of  the  place.  It  is 
native  to  him,  even  if  he  has  not  been  in  the  habit  of 
frequenting  saloons.  He  makes  easy  acquaintance 
with  the  proprietor  and  with  other  men,  and  may 
receive  valuable  suggestions  from  them  in  relation  to 
employment.  He  is  not  always  obliged  to  pay  for  a 
drink,  but  is  sometimes  '  treated,'  and  kindness  of  such 
nature  he  will  not  soon  forget.  In  the  better  times  of 
steady  work  no  small  share  of  his  wages  is  sure  to  find 
its  way  back  to  the  saloon  which  harbored  him  in  the 
time  of  his  unemployment. 

"  The  saloon  is  a  money-making  institution  ;  to  that 
end  it  adapts  itself  marvelously  to  the  social  needs  of 
workingmen,  and  they  feel  in  this  adaptation  a  reality 
and  a  naturalness  which  could  not  be  simulated. 

"  Operatives  hurrying  from  a  factory  at  noon  hour 
have  only  to  cross  the  street  to  saloons  where  schoon- 


SOCIAL  ASPECTS   OF  THE   SALOON.  239 

ers  of  beer  freshly  drawn  are  waiting  for  them,  and 
there,  in^abundant  light  and  warmth  and  in  an  atmos- 
phere of  congenial  sociability,  they  may  sit  and  eat 
their  midday  meal  in  comfort. 

"  Let  a  philanthropic  employer,  fearful  of  the  influ- 
ence of  the  saloon  upon  his  men,  open  a  place  where 
they  may  dine,  furnish  them  good  food  at  cost  prices, 
spare  no  pains  to  offset  by  counter  attractions  the 
allurements  of  the  saloon,  and  he  will  carry  his  experi- 
ment to  success,  if  he  succeeds  at  all,  by  most  untiring 
and  thankless  perseverance  through  difficulties  almost 
insuperable.  The  motive  of  the  saloon  the  men  un- 
derstand, and  instinctively  they  feel  at  home  there,  but 
they  will  be  suspicious  of  the  motive  of  the  best  em- 
ployer :  '  He  is  trying  in  some  way  to  get  the  better 
of  us  ;  if  he  wishes  to  be  generous  let  him  increase  our 
wages  with  which  we  shall  do  as  we  please,  rather  than 
press  upon  us  his  idea  of  what  is  for  our  good.' 

"  The  saloon,  as  it  appears  to  me,  in  relation  to  the 
wage-earning  classes  in  America,  is  an  organ  of  high 
development,  adapting  itself  with  singular  perfectness 
to  its  functions  in  catering  in  a  hundred  ways  to  the 
social  and  political  needs  of  men  ;  and  if  it  is  to  be 
combated  successfully  by  an  institution,  this  institu- 
tion must  be  rooted  in  natural  causes  and  must  min- 
ister with  equal  efficiency  to  real  social  needs. 

"  In  view  of  results  for  which  the  saloon  is  largely 
responsible,  in  the  wreck  of  individual  lives,  in  the 
known  relation  which  its  traffic  bears  to  the  totality  of 
crime  and  pauperism  and  insanity  and  unmeasured 
misery  caused  by  the  consuming  appetite  which  it 
breeds,  it  is  vital  that  an  opposing  institution  rooted  in 


240  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM. 

the  necessity  of  reform  and  in  conscious  responsibility 
for  one's  fellow-men,  and  having,  too,  a  valid  economic 
basis  in  yielding  profit,  should  be  fostered  by  infinite 
patience  and  care,  and  grow  in  all  helpf uhiess  to  prac- 
tical adaptation  to  constructive  social  good." 


APPENDIX 


Note.  —  Detail  tables  to  the  number  of  twenty-four  have  been 
omitted  from  the  Appendix.  Although  of  interest  to  the  student,  they 
are  not  essential,  and  their  bulk  proved  too  unwieldy  for  this  volume. 


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■I^^ox 

127 
100.00 

239 
100.00 

79 
100.00 

97 
100.00 

noiiipnoa  jo  asneo 

6 

4.72 

57 
23.85 

36 
45.57 

■  18 
18.56 

•sjsmo  JO  s^iqeq 
9i'Ba9dtn3ini      o^ 
9iip  ^ou  no'!^]pao9 

94 
74.02 

126 

52.72 

15 
18.99 

70 
72.16 

•sagqiO  jo  s^i 
0}    9np    uonjpnoo 

27 
21.26 

56 
23.43 

28 
35.44 

9 

9.28 

Z 
■< 

o 

< 

•IBjox 

110 
100.00 

145 
100.00 

32 
100.00 

23 
100.00 

•pecijodaj  ^on 
non!puQD  JO  9sn'B0 

»0  ■*        (M  t-              -^  >0        CN  O 
Iffl          (M  1-1                 l-H  t-                t- 

^              WO                    CO              CO 

1-1            '^ 

•sjaqio  JO  s;iq«q 
9;BJ9dni9^m     0} 
onp  ;on  uojitpuoo 

78 
70.91 

77 
53.11 

6.25 

14 
60.87 

•sj9q^o  JO  s?i 
-qeq  95BJ9din9;ni 
0^    9np    uonipnoo 

27 
24.54 

46 
31.72 

16 
50.00 

30.43 

•IBjox 

17 
100.00 

94 

100.00 

47 
100.00 

74 
100.00 

■p9:jjod9i  }on 
uotjipnoa  JO  9siibo 

1 

5.88 

35 
37.23 

22 
46.81 

16 
21.62 

•sjgq^o  JO  Siiquq 
9^BJ9dra9^ni     o'i 
9np  %ou  noi^ipnoo 

16 
94.12 

49 
52.13 

13 
27.66 

56 
75.68 

•sj9q'}0  JO  s^i 
-q'Bq  a^Bjgdrag^ni 
0^    9np    uonjpnoo 

10 
10.64 

12 
25.53 

2.70 

§ 

If 

■< 

■< 

Associated    Charities,  Wilming- 
ton, N.  C.                      Number. 
Per  cent. 
Charity     Organization      Society, 
Bayonne,  N.  J.             Number. 
Per  cent. 
Charity     Organization    Society, 
New  Brunswick,  N.  J. 

Number. 
Per  cent. 
Charity  Organization,  New  Brit- 
ain, Ct.                            Number. 
Per  cent. 

RELATIONS  OF  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM  TO 
POVERTY.  — TABLE   XIIL 

RESIDENT   AND   NON-RESIDENT  APPLICANTS    FOR   RELIEF  AS  AFFECTED 
BY   THE    USE    OP    INTOXICATING   LIQUORS. 


a'A^ 

•sii 

o 

a 

fl 

o"©    > 

2  *^  ^    03 

-t^   . 

§ 

*"  «s  « 

"^-g  g  » 

^"S 

.3 

Name  and  Location  of  Organization 

§ls« 

^■a  is 

0  a 

t 

REPOETma. 

.2  ^  „'  o 

tion  nc 
perate 
auts,  p 
IS,  or  0 

«  o 
•S2 

3 

o 

^1  "is" 

^  a.2  3 

i 

H 

gSLSi 

g^o.^ 

§ 

o 

o 

o 

Charity    Organization    Society    of 

the  City  of  New  York. 

Resident.                   Number. 

342 

708 

130 

1180 

Per  cent. 

28.98 

60.00 

11.02 

69.21 

Non-resident.           Number. 

52 

397 

76 

.525 

Per  cent. 

9.90 

75.62 

14.48 

30.79 

rp  .  „,                    (  Number. 
Total.                 {Percent. 

394 

1105 

206 

1705 

23.11 

64.81 

12.08 

100.00 

Chicago     Bureau    of     Associated 

Charities,  Chicago,  111. 

Resident.                  Number. 

303 

773 

139 

1215 

Per  cent. 

24.94 

63.62 

11.44 

98.54 

Non-resident.           Number. 

1 

5 

12 

18 

Per  cent. 

5.55 

27.78 

66.67 

1.46 

rp  ,   ,                   {  Number. 
Total.                  j  Per  cent. 

304 

778 

151 

1233 

24.65 

63.10 

12.25 

100.00 

Brooklyn     Bureau    of    Charities, 

Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Resident.                   Number. 

1029 

3306 

213 

4548 

Per  cent. 

22.63 

72.69 

4.68 

92.72 

Non-resident.           Number. 

96 

228 

33 

357 

Per  cent. 

26.89 

63.87 

9.24 

7.28 

™      ,                  j  Number. 
Total.                  i  Per  cent. 

1125 

3534 

246 

4905 

22.94 

72.05 

5.01 

100.00 

RELATIONS    OF   THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM    TO    POVERTY. — 
TABLE  XIII.,  continued. 

BESIDBNT   AND   NON-KESIDENT   APPLICANTS  FOR  RELIEF  AS  AFFECTED 
BY   THE    USE    OF    INTOXICATING    LIQUORS. 


a '4^ 

a 

n 

o  o    , 

^-S^'k 

o 

Sn3 

Name  and  Location  op 

Organization 

«.^ai 

t 

Repoktiko 

1!il 

§  <C  CO 

a  a, 
o 

§• 

•"t^  =5  -t^    /■ 

Sg.y 

i 

^ 

gcg§ 

g^U^ 

§ 

u 

o 

o 

Charity  Organization 

Society,  Bal- 

timore,  Md. 

Resident. 

Number. 

227 

813 

36 

1076 

Per  cent. 

2L10 

75.56 

3.34 

99.72 

Non-resident. 

Number. 

- 

3 

- 

3 

Per  cent. 

(  Number. 
(  Per  cent. 

San    Fran- 

— 

100.00 

- 

0.28 

Total. 

227 

816 

36 

1079 

2L04 

75.62 

3.34 

100.00 

Associated    Charities, 

Cisco,  Cal. 

Resident. 

Number. 

443 

993 

74 

1510 

Per  cent. 

29.34 

65.76 

4.90 

97.67 

Non-resident. 

Number. 

5 

27 

4 

36 

Per  cent. 

j  Number. 
(  Per  cent. 

Cincinnati, 

13.89 

75.00 

11.11 

2.33 

Total. 

448 

1020 

78 

1546 

28.98 

65.98 

5.04 

100.00 

Associated    Charities, 

Ohio. 

Resident. 

Number. 

360 

2097 

21 

2478 

Per  cent. 

14.53 

84.62 

0.85 

99.44 

Non-resident. 

Number. 

3 

10 

1 

14 

Per  cent. 

(  Number. 
J  Per  cent. 

21.43 

71.43 

7.14 

0.56 

Total. 

363 

2107 

22 

2492 

14.57 

84.55 

0.88 

100.00 

EELATIONS   OF   THE   LIQUOK   PROBLEM   TO    POVERTY. — 
TABLE  XIII.,  continued. 

KBSIDBNT   AND   NON-RESIDENT   APPLICANTS  FOR  RELIEF  AS  AFFECTED 
BY   THE    USE    OF   INTOXICATING    LIQUORS. 


g--^^ 

o 

a 

CSS 

2  o  S) 

n 

o  o    .- 

lie 

its 
ts, 
s. 

.2   • 

§ 

Name  and  Location  op  Organization 
Repobting. 

tion  due  t 

ite  habits 

ts,  parents 

or  others. 

tion  not  d 
perate  hab 
ants,  parei 
is,  or  othei 

It 

i 

3 

o 

■5  !n  9  S 

^  9.2  3 

H 

g  P.O  ts 

§Sp.=3 

i 

o 

u 

o 

Charity  Organization  Society,  Buf- 

falo, N.  Y. 

Resident.                   Number. 

396 

804 

49 

1249 

Per  cent. 

31.71 

64.37 

3.92 

97.20 

Non-resident.           Number. 

7 

27 

2 

36 

Per  cent. 

19.44 

75.00 

5.56 

2.80 

rp  .„,                   (  Number. 
T°tal-                  i  Per  cent. 

403 

831 

51 

1285 

31.36 

64.67 

3.97 

100.00 

Associated  Charities,  Washin^on, 

D.  C. 

Resident.                  Number. 

322 

1168 

35 

1525 

Per  cent. 

2L11 

76.59 

2.30 

99.35 

Non-resident.           Number. 

2 

6 

2 

10 

Per  cent. 

20.00 

60.00 

20.00 

0.65 

T^+oi                   i  Number. 
Total.                 i  Per  cent. 

324 

1174 

37 

15.35 

21.11 

76.48 

2.41 

100.00 

Charity  Organization  Society,  Lou- 

isville, Ky. 

Resident.                   Number. 

271 

342 

6 

619 

Per  cent. 

43.78 

55.25 

0.97 

96.12 

Non-resident.            Number. 

9 

14 

2 

25 

Per  cent. 

36.00 

56.00 

8.00 

3.88 

Total.                 \  Number. 
(Percent. 

280 

356 

8 

644 

43.48 

55.28 

1.24 

100.00 

EELATIONS   OF   THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM   TO   POVERTY.  — 
TABLE  XIIL,  continued. 

RESIDENT   AND   NON-RESIDENT  APPLICANTS   FOR   RELIEP  AS  AFFECTED 
BY   THE    USE    OF    INTOXICATING    LIQUORS. 


ii^ 

0 

a  c8  3 

Name  and  Location  op 

Obganization 

o  o    > 

t  due 
habit 
irents 
thers. 

11 

Bepobtino. 

a. 

ditio 
rate 
nts, 
s,  or 

ditio 
mpei 
icant 
ans, 

1 

gs-sy 

g^ft^ 

3 

CJ 

o 

O 

Society  for  Organization  of  Char- 

ity, Rochester,  N.  Y. 

Resident. 

Number. 

140 

236 

15 

391 

Per  cent. 

35.80 

60.36 

3.84 

92.22 

Non-resident. 

Number. 

9 

20 

4 

33 

Per  cent. 

(  Number. 
I  Per  cent. 

St.     Paul, 

27.27 

60.61 
256 

12.12 

7.78 

TotaL 

149 

19 

424 

35.14 

60.38 

4.48 

100.00 

Associated     Charities, 

Minn. 

Resident. 

Number. 

229 

589 

23 

841 

Per  cent. 

27.23 

70.04 

2.73 

89.09 

Non-resident. 

Number. 

25 

66 

12 

103 

Per  cent. 

(  Number. 
(  Per  cent. 

g    Charity, 

24.27 

64.08 

11.65 

10.91 

TotaL 

254 

655 

35 

944 

26.91 

69.38 

3.71 

100.00 

Society    for    Organizir 

Providence,  R.  I. 

Resident. 

Number. 

124 

157 

18 

299 

Per  cent. 

41.47 

52.51 

6.02 

84.23 

Non-resident. 

Number. 

25 

27 

4 

56 

Per  cent. 

i  Number. 
'[  Percent. 

44.64 

48.22 

7.14 

15.77 

TotaL 

149 

184 

22 

355 

41.97 

51.83 

6.20 

100.00 

EELATIONS    OF   THE    LIQUOR   PROBLEM   TO    POVERTY.  — 
TABLE  XIIL,  continued. 

RESIDENT   AND   NON-RESIDENT  APPLICANTS   FOR   RELIEF  AS  AFFECTED 
BY   THE    USE    OF    INTOXICATING   LIQUORS. 


«l- 

-   t8   g 

o 

a 

o  o    .. 

»  iS  ?f  »; 

o 

§ 

-o-S  §  « 

^"2 

.3 

Name  and  Location  of  Obqanization 

».«  a  g 

«J  §5 

a  si 

■a 

Repoetino. 

lay 

.2  5  „"  o 
"«  S  3  S 

dition  nc 
mperate 
icants,  p 
ans,  or  o 

o  o 

p. 

"S  2 
S 

1 

g  P.O  C8 

g.S'S.^S 

i 

U 

o 

u 

Charity  Organization  Society,  Den- 

ver, CoL 

Resident.                  Number. 

128 

763 

187 

1078 

Per  cent. 

11.87 

70.78 

17.35 

75.28 

Non-resident.           Number. 

101 

172 

81 

3.54 

Per  cent. 

28.53 

48.59 

22.88 

24.72 

rr  4.„i                    {  Number. 
Total.                 j  Per  cent. 

229 

935 

268 

1432 

15.99 

65.29 

18.72 

100.00 

Charity  Organization  Society,  In- 

dianapolis, Ind. 

Eesident.                  Number. 

188 

445 

106 

739 

Per  cent. 

25.44 

60.22 

14.34 

87.15 

Non-resident.           Number. 

10 

63 

36 

109 

Per  cent. 

9.17 

57.80 

33.03 

12.85 

m  .   1                   (  Number. 
Total.                 j  Per  cent. 

198 

508 

142 

848 

23.35 

59.91 

16.74 

100.00 

Charity  Organization  Society,  Al- 

bany, N.  Y. 

Resident.                  Number. 

196 

242 

1 

439 

Per  cent. 

44.65 

55.12 

0.23 

84.91 

Non-resident.           Number. 

16 

60 

2 

78 

Per  cent. 

20.51 

76.93 

2.56 

15.09 

Total,     {^rr. 

212 

302 

3 

517 

41.01 

58.41 

0.58 

100.00 

RELATIONS   OF   THE   LIQUOR    PROBLEM   TO    POVERTY, — 
TABLE  XIII. ,  continued. 


RESIDENT    AND    NON-RESIDENT    APPLICANTS  FOR  RELIEF  AS  AFFECTED 
BY   THE    USE   OF    INTOXICATING    LIQUORS. 


ai^ 

a  i=<fe 

o 

a 

o  o    - 

Lie 
its 
ts, 

s. 

.2 

1 

Name  and  Location  op 
Repoeting 

Oeqanization 

due  t 
habits 
jarents 
others. 

not  d 
ite  hab 
,  pareii 
r  other 

^5 
a  u 

t 

a         u 
2  5  oT  o 

a  s  "  o 
•2  g.  a  „' 

o 

"3 

~  2  'S  to" 

•-  a  S  a 

o 

o 
H 

|s.gi 

§5o,S 

i 

o 

o 

o 

Bureau  of    Labor  and   Charities, 

Syracuse,  N.  Y. 

Resident. 

Number. 

135 

193 

11 

339 

Per  cent. 

39.82 

56.93 

3.25 

77.39 

Non-resident. 

Number. 

15 

68 

16 

99 

Per  cent. 

j  Number. 
\  Per  cent. 

Worcester, 

15.15 

68.69 

16.16 

22.61 

Total. 

1.50 

261 

27 

438 

34.25 

59.59 

6.16 

100.00 

Associated    Charities, 

Mass. 

Resident. 

Number. 

144 

163 

10 

317 

Per  cent. 

45.43 

51.42 

3.15 

91.88 

Non-resident. 

Number. 

4 

5 

19 

28 

Per  cent. 

(  Number. 
(  Per  cent. 

Association, 

14.28 

17.86 

67.86 

8.12 

Total. 

148 

168 

29 

345 

42.90 

48.69 

8.41 

100.00 

Organized    Charities 

New  Haven,  Ct. 

Resident. 

Number. 

63 

384 

75 

522 

Per  cent. 

12.07 

73.56 

14.37 

14.85 

Non-resident. 

Number. 

461 

2473 

60 

2994 

Per  cent. 

(  Number. 
\  Per  cent. 

15.40 

82.60 

2.00 

85.15 

Total. 

524 

2857 

135 

3516 

14.90 

81.26 

3.84 

100.00 

RELATIONS   OF   THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM   TO    POVERTY.  — 
TABLE  XIII.,  continued. 

RESIDENT    AND   NON-RESIDENT    APPLICANTS  FOR  RELIEF  AS  AFFECTED 
BY   THE    USE    OF    INTOXICATING   LIQUORS. 


tti 

-=8  g 

o 

a 

*i   C.C3 

S  c3  3 

O  O     . 

*  -2 .2  03 

o   . 

g 

''•iss 

Name  and  Location  of  Organization 

»■"  C  g 

^^p.^ 

S  o 

p. 

Repoetinq. 

dition  nc 
mperate 
icants,  p 
ans,  or  o 

S  p. 

"o 

1       - 

gS.gg 

g.Sp.^ 

3 

o 

o 

o 

Associated    Charities,   Cambridge, 

Mass. 

Kesident.                  Number. 

174 

157 

9 

340 

Per  cent. 

51.18 

46.17 

2.65 

82.93 

Non-resident.            Number. 

13 

5 

52 

70  : 

Per  cent. 

18.57 

7.14 

74.29 

17.07 

rr„<.„i                  5  Number. 
Total.                  1  Per  cent. 

187 

162 

61 

410 

45.61 

39.52 

14.87 

100.00 

Associated  Charities,  Wilmington, 

Del. 

Resident.                   Number. 

134 

309 

36 

479 

Per  cent. 

27.97 

64.51 

7.52 

96.57 

Non-resident.            Number. 

2 

5 

10 

17 

Per  cent. 

11.77 

29.41 

58.82 

3.43 

Tow       {?:"»!: 

1.36 

314 

46 

496 

27.42 

63.31 

9.27 

100.00 

Charity       Organization       Society, 

Grand  Rapids,  Mich. 

Resident.                   Number. 

53 

141 

8 

202 

Per  cent. 

26.24 

69.80 

3.96 

30.47 

Non-resident.            Number. 

153 

273 

35 

461 

Per  cent. 

33.19 

59.22 

7.59 

69.53 

rp  .„,                   5  Number. 
TotaL                 j  Percent. 

206 

414 

43 

663 

31.07 

62.44 

6.49 

100.00 

RELATIONS   OF   THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM   TO   POVERTY.  — 
TABLE  XIII.,  continued. 

RESIDENT   AND   NON-RESIDENT  APPLICANTS   FOR   RELIEF  AS  AFFECTED 
BY  THE   USE   OF   INTOXICATING   LIQUORS. 


%ti 

a^i 

a 

a 

<0 

°°  ^,i 

due 
ibit 
ents 
ers. 

g 

Name  and  Location  op  Organization 
Reporting. 

ion  due 
te  habit 
3,  paren 
or  other 

2    (B    q       .. 

§1 

■3 

■«  S  3  a 

■-  a  i  a 

g 

H 

§S,2i 

g^p.^ 

i 

o 

o 

o 

Associated  Charities,  Lynn, 

Mass. 

Resident.                  Number. 

238 

393 

_ 

631 

Per  cent. 

37.72 

62.28 

- 

98.75 

Non-resident.           Number. 

4 

4 

- 

8 

Per  cent. 

50.00 

50.00 

- 

1.25 

rp  .„,                   S  Number. 
T«*^^-                 i  Per  cent. 

242 

397 

639 

37.87 

62.13 

- 

100.00 

Charity  Organization  Society, 

Lincoln,  Neb. 

Resident.                  Number. 

114 

353 

1 

468 

Per  cent. 

24.36 

75.43 

0.21 

84.94 

Non-resident.           Number. 

19 

59 

5 

83 

Per  cent. 

22.89 

71.09 

6.02 

15.06 

rp„,„,                    ( Number. 
T«*^^-                 1  Per  cent. 

133 

412 

6 

551 

24.14 

74.77 

1.09 

100.00 

Charity  Organization  Society, 

Hartford,  Ct. 

Resident.                  Number. 

178 

316 

6 

500 

Per  cent. 

35.60 

63.20 

1.20 

70.32 

Non-resident.           Number. 

92 

70 

49 

211 

Per  cent. 

43.60 

33.18 

23.22 

29.68 

Total.                \  ^^^^^l- 
j  Per  cent. 

270 

386 

55 

711 

37.97 

54.29 

7.74 

100.00 

EELATIONS    OF   THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM   TO   POVERTY. — 
TABLE  XUL,  continued. 

RESIDENT   AND   NON-RESIDENT   APPLICANTS  FOR  RELIEF  AS  AFFECTED 
BY   THE    USE   OF    INTOXICATING    LIQUORS. 


Name  and  Location  op  Oboanization 
Reportino. 


Union  Relief  Association,  Spring- 
field, Mass. 

Resident.  Number. 

Per  cent. 

Non-resident.  Number. 

Per  cent. 


Total. 


Number. 
Per  cent. 


Associated    Charities,    Somerville, 
Mass. 

Resident.  Number. 

Per  cent. 

Non-resident.  Number. 

Per  cent. 


Total. 


j  Number. 
I  Per  cent. 


Associated   CharitieB,  Pawtucket, 
R.I. 

Resident.  Number. 

Per  cent. 

Non-resident.  Number. 

Per  cent. 


Total. 


Number. 
Per  cent. 


i'il 

.2&« 

a 

■"<«  t* 

m   W    oT 

o 

o  o    . 

—  .-^  *i    03 

tion  due  t 

ite  habits 

ts,  parents 

or  otliers 

tion  not  d 
perate  hab 
ants,  parei 
IS,  or  otliei 

o 

"O  fe  2  S 

-a  a.H  <s 

<D 

gs.§i 

g^p.^ 

i 

o 

u 

u 

49 

72 

1 

40.16 

59.02 

0.82 

4 

9 

4 

23.53 

52.94 

23.53 

53 

81 

5 

38.13 

58.27 

3.60 

10 

36 

21.74 

78.26 

- 

1 

8 

- 

11.11 

88.89 

- 

11 

44 

_ 

20.00 

80.00 

- 

50 

36 

58.14 

41.86 

_ 

3 

3 

_ 

50.00 

50.00 

- 

53 

39 

_ 

57.G1 

42.39 

- 

122 

87.77 

17 

12.23 


139 
100.00 


46 

83.64 

9 

16.36 


55 

100.00 


86 

93.48 

6 

6.52 


02 
100.00 


RELATIONS   OF   THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM   TO   POVERTY.  — 
TABLE    XIII.,   C07lti7iued. 

RESIDENT    AND    NON-RESIDENT    APPLICANTS  FOR  RELIEF  AS  AFFECTED 
BY    THE    USB    OF   INTOXICATING   LIQUORS. 


%t7. 

-  =8  g 

o 

a 

S  ce  3 

m 

Name  and  Location  op 
Repokting 

Organization 

dition  due  to  i 
rate  habits  of 
nts,  parents,  g 
s,  or  others. 

dition  not  due 
mperate  liabits 
icants,  parents, 
ans,  or  others. 

o   . 

3-73 

is. 

o 

1 

1 

§!=-«« 

g^U--3 

i 

o 

o 

o 

Associated    Charities, 

Davenport, 

la. 

Resident. 

Number. 

55 

96 

8 

159 

Per  cent. 

34.59 

60.38 

5.03 

50.64 

Non-resident. 

Number. 

28 

93 

34 

155 

Per  cent. 

j  Number. 
(  Per  cent. 

ent       Union, 

18.06 

60.00 

21.94 

49.36 

Total. 

83 

189 

42 

314 

26.43 

60.19 

13.38 

100.00 

Fitclibnrg       Benevol 

Fitchburg',  Mass. 

Resident. 

Number. 

13 

37 

5 

55 

Per  cent. 

23.64 

67.27 

9.09 

80.88 

Non-resident. 

Number. 

5 

7 

1 

13 

Per  cent. 

j  Number. 
(  Per  cent. 

Wilmington, 

38.46 

53.85 

7.69 

19.12 

Total. 

18 

44 

6 

68 

26.47 

64.71 

8.82 

100.00 

Associated  Charities, 

N.  C. 

Resident. 

Number. 

33 

89 

5 

127 

Per  cent. 

25.98 

70.08 

3.94 

100.00 

Non-resident. 

Number. 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Per  cent. 

(  Number. 
(  Percent. 

- 

— 

~ 

~ 

Total. 

33 

89 

5 

127 

25.98 

70.08 

3.94 

100.00 

RELATIONS   OF   THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM   TO    POVERTY.  — 
TABLE  XIII.,  continued. 

RESIDENT   AND    NON-RESIDENT  APPLICANTS   FOR   RELIEF  AS  AFFECTED 
BY   THE    USE    OF    INTOXICATING    LIQUORS. 


so.'S 

a 

a  c5  3 

a 

■^^  60 

o 

■^ 

Name  and  Location  op  Okoanization 

fill 

t 

Reporting. 

2  »  p-o 

p. 

§• 

Is^rS 

.2  ¥  g  »- 

O  K 

^ 

tm 

ondi 

plic 
dial 

3 

H 

o 

O 

O 

Charity  Organization  Society,  Ba- 

yonne,  N.  J. 

Resident.                   Number. 

128 

84 

6 

218 

Per  cent. 

58.72 

38.53 

2.75 

91.21 

Non-resident.            Number. 

1 

10 

10 

21 

Per  cent. 

4.76 

47.62 

47.62 

8.79 

Total.                  \  Number. 
(  Per  cent. 

129 

94 

16 

239 

53.97 

39.33 

6.70 

100.00 

Charity  Organization  Society,  New 

Brunswick,  N.  J. 

Resident.                   Number. 

38 

16 

3 

57 

Per  cent. 

66.67 

28.07 

5.26 

72.15 

Non-resident.            Number. 

5 

17 

_ 

22 

Per  cent. 

22.73 

77.27 

~ 

27.85 

Total.                  \  N""i^er. 
1  Per  cent. 

43 

33 

3 

79 

54.43 

41.77 

3.80 

100.00 

Charity  Organization,  New  Britain, 

Ct. 

Resident.                   Number. 

21 

75 

1 

97 

Per  cent. 

21.65 

77.32 

1.03 

100.00 

Non-resident.            Number. 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Per  cent. 

- 

- 

- 

- 

r^^  ,  „,                    (  Number. 
T«ta^-                  i  Per  cent. 

21 

75 

1 

97 

21.65 

77.32 

1.03 

100.00 

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Newark  Almshouse,  N.  J. 

Number 
Per  cent 

Paterson  City  Almshouse,  N.  J. 
Number 
Per  cent 

Trenton  City  Almshouse,  N.  J. 
Number 
Per  cent 

Almshouse,  Warren  Co.,  N.  J. 

Number 
Per  cent 

Nineteen  small  rural  Almshouses 

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Per  cent 

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Number. 

Per  cent. 
Almshouse,  Erie  Co.,  N.  Y. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 
Almshouse,  Jefferson  Co.,  N.  Y. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 
Monroe  Co.  Almshouse,  N.  Y. 

Number. 

Per  cent. 

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EELATIONS  OF  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM  TO 
PAUPERISM.  — TABLE  XI. 


PAUPERISM  IN  ALMSHOUSES  AS  AFFECTED  BY  THE  INTEMPERATE 
HABITS  OF  PAUPERS,  PARENTS,  GUARDIANS,  OR  OTHERS,  BY  IN- 
STITUTIONS. 


lal 

a 

C         3 

•^  ^ 

a 
o 

<B 

Name  and  Location  op  Institution 
Repoeting. 

due  to 
labits  0 
irents, 
)thers. 

not  due 
te     hab 
parents 
-  others. 

St3 

3 

1 

o 

1 

gas.i 

g«  o.-a 

i 

u 

o 

o 

Town  Farm,  Bridgeport,  Ct. 

Number. 

46 

62 

- 

108 

Per  cent. 

42.59 

57.41 

- 

1.28 

Almshouse,  New  London,  Ct. 

Number. 

24 

26 

_ 

50 

Per  cent. 

48.00 

52.00 

- 

0.59 

Cook  Co.  Almshouse,  Cook  Co.,  111. 

Number. 

260 

859 

24 

1143 

Per  cent. 

22,75 

75.15 

2.10 

13.58 

Almshouse,  Marion  Co.,  Ind. 

Number. 

68 

79 

93 

240 

Per  cent. 

28.33 

32.92 

38.75 

2.85 

Bay  View  Asylum,  Baltimore,  Md. 

Number. 

249 

268 

23 

540 

Per  cent. 

46.11 

49.63 

4.26 

6.41 

Poor  Farm,  Hennepin  Co.,  Minn. 

Number. 

30 

32 

2 

64 

Per  cent. 

46.87 

50.00 

3.13 

0.76 

Almshouse,  Ramsay  Co.,  Minn. 

Number. 

57 

28 

6 

91 

Per  cent. 

62.64 

30.77 

6.59 

1.09 

County  Farm,  Hillsboro  Co.,  N.  H. 

Number. 

128 

189 

11 

328 

Per  cent. 

39.03 

57.62 

3.35 

3.90 

County  Farm,  Merrimac  Co.,  N.  H. 

Number. 

68 

125 

3 

196 

Per  cent. 

34.69 

63.78 

1.53 

2.33 

County  Almshouse,  Burlington  Co., 

N.  J.                                  Number. 

55 

64 

22 

141 

Per  cent. 

39.01 

45.39 

15.60 

1.67 

Camden  Co.  Almshouse,  Camden, 

N.  J.                                   Number. 

24 

79 

- 

103 

Per  cent. 

23.30 

76.70 

- 

1.22 

City  Almshouse,  Elizabeth,  N.  J. 

Number. 

20 

30 

- 

50 

Per  cent. 

40.00 

60.00 

~ 

0.59 

RELATIONS   OF   THE    LIQUOE    PROBLEM    TO    PAUPERISM. — 
TABLE  XL,  contimied. 


PAUPERISM  IN  ALMSHOUSES  AS  AFFECTED  BY  THE  INTEJrPERATB 
HABITS  OF  PAUPERS,  PARENTS,  GUARDIANS,  OR  OTHERS,  BY  IN- 
STITUTIONS. 


a      3 

2.& 

o 

a 

Name  and  Location  op  Institution 
Repoktinq. 

due  to  i 
abits  of 
rents,   g 
thers. 

not  due 
>e     habit 
parents, 
others. 

o   . 
o  5 

2 

3 

.J5   C3   o 

■*;    ..  tH 

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1 

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(B 

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S  »>-« 

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3 

o 

o 

d 

Almshouse,  East  Orange,  N.  J. 

Number. 

12 

15 

- 

27 

Per  cent. 

44.44 

55.56 

_ 

0.32 

Snake    Hill    Almshouse,    Hudson 

Co.,  N.  J.                           Number. 

170 

260 

36 

466 

Per  cent. 

36.48 

55.79 

7.73 

5.53 

Morris  Co.  Almshouse,  Morris  Co., 

N.  J.                                   Number. 

10 

70 

1 

81 

Per  cent. 

12.35 

86.42 

1.23 

0.96 

City  Almshouse,  Newark,  N.  J. 

Number. 

86 

106 

- 

192 

Per  cent. 

44.79 

55.21 

- 

2.28 

City  Almshouse,  Paterson,  N.  J. 

Number. 

52 

66 

11 

129 

Per  cent. 

40.31 

51.16 

8.53 

1.53 

City  Almshouse,  Trenton,  N.  J. 

Number. 

10 

32 

2 

44 

Per  cent. 

22.73 

72.73 

4.54 

0.52 

County   Almshouse,   Warren    Co., 

N.  J.                                   Number. 

15 

20 

- 

35 

Per  cent. 

42.86 

57.14 

- 

0.42 

Nineteen  small   rural  Almshouses 

in  New  Jersey.                 Number. 

108 

189 

50 

347 

Per  cent. 

31.12 

54.47 

14.41 

4.12 

Six    small    urban   Almshouses   in 

New  Jersey.                      Number. 

27 

29 

- 

56 

Per  cent. 

48.21 

51.79 

- 

0.67 

Almshouse,  Albany  Co.,  N.  Y. 

Number. 

87 

69 

3 

159 

Per  cent. 

54.72 

43.39 

1.89 

1.89 

Almshouse,  Erie  Co.,  N.  Y. 

Number. 

291 

296 

30 

617 

Per  cent. 

47.16 

47.98 

4.86 

7.33 

Almshouse,  Jefferson  Co.,  N.  Y. 

Number. 

45 

61 

8 

114 

Per  cent. 

39.47 

53.51 

7.02 

1.35 

RELATIONS    OF    THE    LIQUOR    PROBLEM    TO    PAUPERISM. — 
TABLE   XL,  continued. 

PACPEKISM  rN  AiMSHOCSES  AS  AFFECTED  BY  THE  IKTEJIPERATE 
HABITS  OF  PACPEES,  PAKENTS,  GCAKDIANS,  OK  OTHERS,  BY  lif- 
STITUTIOXS. 


S  2"3 

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2 

o 

o 

6 

Almshouse,  Monroe  Co.,  N.  Y. 

Number. 

199 

231 

- 

430 

Per  cent. 

46.28 

53.72 

- 

5.11  < 

Ne-w  York  City  Almshouse,  New 

York  Co.,  N.  Y.               Number. 

610 

862 

59 

1531 

Per  cent. 

39.85 

56.30 

3.85 

18.18 

House  of  Industry,  Rensselaer  Co., 

N.  Y.                                  Number. 

130 

117 

23 

270 

Per  cent. 

48.15 

43.33 

8.52 

3.21 

Almshouse,  Schenectady  Co.,  N.  Y. 

Number. 

21 

37 

- 

58 

Per  cent. 

36.21 

63.79 

- 

0.69 

Four  Almshouses  in  four  Counties 

in  N.  C. 

Number. 

45 

79 

3 

127 

Per  cent. 

35.43 

62.21 

2.36 

1.51 

Infirmary,  Cuyahoga  Co.,  Ohio. 

Number. 

107 

186 

10 

303 

Per  cent. 

35.31 

61.39 

3.30 

3.60 

County    Infirmary,    Jackson     Co., 

Ohio.                                   Number. 

13 

47 

2 

62 

Per  cent. 

20.97 

75.81 

3.22 

0.74 

County  Infirmary,  Union  Co.,  Ohio. 

Number. 

9 

32 

1 

42 

Per  cent. 

21.43 

76.19 

2.38 

0.50 

Allegheny  City  Home,  Allegheny, 

Pa.                                      Number. 

22 

177 

- 

199 

Per  cent. 

11.06 

88.94 

- 

2.36 

Almshouse,  Dane  Co.,  Wis. 

Number. 

22 

38 

17 

77 

Per  cent. 

28.57 

49.36 

22.07 

0.91 

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4860 

440 

8420 

37.05 

57.72 

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RELATIONS  OF  THE  LIQUOR  PROBLEM  TO 
CRIME.  — TABLE  V. 


RELATIVE   RANK    OF   CAUSES   LEADING    TO   A   CONDITION    WHICH 
INDUCED   THE    CRIME. 


State  Prison,  Tkomaston,  Me. 


Causes  of  Crime  accobdxno  to  the  Relative  Rank. 


Intemperance 

Unfavorable  environment 

Unfavorable    environment    and    lack   of    industrial 
training 

Unfavorable  environment  and  intemperance     .     .     . 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  unfavorable  envi- 
ronment     

Lack  of  industrial  training 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  intemperance  .     .     . 

Unfavorable  environment,  intemperance,  and   lack 
of  industrial  training 

Intemperance  and  unfavorable  environment    .     .     . 

Intemperance,  unfavorable  environment,  and  lack  of 
industrial  training 

Intemperance  and  lack  of  industrial  training   .     .     . 

Lack   of   industrial  training,   unfavorable   environ- 
ment, and  intemperance 

Unfavorable  environment,  lack  of  industrial  train- 
ing, and  intemperance 

Intemperance,  lack  of  industrial  training,  and  unfa- 
vorable environment 

Lack  of  industrial  training,  intemperance,  and  unfa- 
vorable environment 

Crime  not  induced  by  any  of  these  causes  .     . 
Total 


219 


Number. 

Per  cent. 

40 

18.26 

30 

13.70 

27 

12.32 

15 

6.85 

13 

5.94 

10 

4.58 

6 

2.74 

6 

2.74 

6 

2.74 

5 

2.28 

4 

1.83 

2 

0.91 

2 

0.91 

2 

0.91 

1 

0.46 

50 

22.83 

100.00 


RELATIONS   OF   THE   LIQUOK   PEOBLEM   TO   CRIME. — 
TABLE  v.,  continued. 


BELATIVK   RANK   OF   CAUSES   LEADING   TO   A   CONDITION    WHICH 
INDUCED    THE    CRIME. 


State  Prison,  Concord,  N.  H. 


Causes  op  Crime  according  to  the  Relative  Rank. 


Unfavorable    environment   and    lack   of    industrial 
training 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  unfavorable  envir- 
onment      

Intemperance 

Intemperance  and  unfavorable  environment     .     .     . 

Intemperance,  lack  of  industrial  training,  and  unfa- 
vorable environment 

Unfavorable  environment 

Intemperance  and  lack  of  industrial  training   .     .     . 

Unfavorable  environment,  lack  of  industrial  train- 
ing, and  intemperance 

Lack  of  industrial  training 

Unfavorable  environment  and  intemperance     .    »     . 

Unfavorable  environment,   intemperance,  and  lack 
of  industrial  training 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  intemperance  .     .     . 

Lack  of  industrial  training,  intemperance,  and  unfa- 
vorable environment 

Intemperance,  unfavorable  environment,  and  lack 
of  industrial  training 

Crime  not  induced  by  any  of  these  causes .     . 
Total 


39 


1 

28 


162 


Per  cent. 


24.07 


25 

15.43 

24 

14.82 

9 

5.55 

9 

5.55 

8 

4.94 

7 

4.32 

4 

2.47 

4 

2.47 

1 

0.62 

1 

0.62 

1 

0.62 

0.62 

0.62 
17.28 


100.00 


RELATIONS   OF   THE   LIQUOR    PROBLEM   TO   CRIME. 
TABLE  v.,  continued. 


RELATIVE   RANK   OF   CAUSES   LEADING  TO   A   CONDITION   WHICH 
INDUCED    THE    CRIME. 


State  Prison,  Weather sfield,  Conn. 


Causes  of  Cbime  according  to  the  Relative  Rank. 


Number. 


Percent. 


Intemperance 

Unfavorable  environment  and  intemperance     .     .     . 

Intemperance  and  unfavorable  environment     .     .     . 

Intemperance  and  lack  of  industrial  training  .     .     . 

Unfavorable   environment   and   lack    of    industrial 
training 

Unfavorable  environment,  intemperance,  and  lack  of 
industrial  training 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  intemperance  .     .     . 

Unfavorable  environment 

Lack  of  industrial  training 

Intemperance,  unfavorable  environment,  and  lack  of 
industrial  training 

Unfavorable  environment,  lack  of  industrial  train- 
ing, and  intemperance 

Intemperance,  lack  of  industrial  training,  and  unfa- 
vorable environment 

Crime  not  induced  by  any  of  these  causes  .     . 
Total 


116 
52 
51 
32 

29 


425 


27.30 

12.24 

12.00 

7.53 

6.83 


16 

3.76 

15 

3.53 

13 

3.06 

12 

2.82 

12 

2.82 

8 

1.88 

6 

1.41 

63 

14.82 

100.00 


RELATIONS   OF   THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM   TO   CRIME.  — 
TABLE  v.,  continued. 


RELATIVE   RANK   OF   CAUSES   LEADING   TO   A   CONDITION   WHICH 
INDUCED    THE    CRIME. 


State  Prison,  Auburn,  N.  Y. 


Causes  of  Crime  accordinq  to  the  Relative  Rank. 


Intemperance 

Unfavorable  environment 

Intemperance  and  unfavorable  environment     .     .     . 

Unfavorable  environment  and  intemperance     .    .     . 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  unfavorable  environ- 
ment     

Unfavorable   environment  and   lack    of    industrial 
training 

Lack  of  industrial  training 

Intemperance  and  lack  of  industrial  training   .     .     . 

t 
Lack  of  industrial  training  and  intemperance  .     .     . 

Unfavorable  environment,  intemperance,  and  lack  of 
industrial  training 

Unfavorable  environment,  lack  of  industrial  train- 
ing, and  intemperance 

Intemperance,  unfavorable  environment,  and  lack  of 
industrial  training 

Lack  of  industrial  training,  intemperance,  and  unfa- 
vorable environment 

Intemperance,  lack  of  industrial  training,  and  unfa- 
vorable environment 

Lack   of  industrial   training,  unfavorable  environ- 
ment, and  intemperance 

Crime  not  induced  by  any  of  these  causes .     . 
Total 


NmubeT. 


150 

123 

107 

99 

94 


1011 


Per  cent. 


14.84 

12.17 

10.58 

9.79 

9.30 


84 

8.31 

60 

5.94 

43 

4.25 

32 

3.17 

29 

2.87 

25 

2.47 

23 

2.28 

18 

1.77 

16 

1.58 

15 

1.48 

93 

9.20 

100.00 


RELATIONS   OF   THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM   TO   CRIME. — 
TABLE  v.,  continued. 


RELATIVE   RANK   OF   CAUSES   LEADING   TO   A   CONDITION  WHICH 
INDUCED   THE    CRUIB. 


State  Prison,  Sing  Sing,  N.  Y. 


CADSB3  OF   CbIME  ACCORDma  TO  THE  RELATIVE  RaNK. 


Intemperance 

Lack  of  industrial  training 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  intemperance  .     .     . 

Intemperance  and  lack  of  industrial  training  .     .     . 

Unfavorable  environment 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  unfavorable  envi- 
ronment    

Intemperance  and  unfavorable  environment     .     .     . 

Unfavorable  environment  and  intemperance    .     .     . 

Lack  of  industrial  training,  intemperance,  and  unfa- 
vorable environment 

Crime  not  induced  by  any  of  these  causes  .     . 
Total 


Number. 


1399 


Per  cent. 


341 

24.38 

229 

16.37 

12 

0.86 

9 

0.64 

4 

0.28 

3 

0.22 

2 

0.14 

1 

0.07 

1 

0.07 

797 

56.97 

100.00 


RELATIONS   OF   THE   LIQUOE   PROBLEM    TO   GRIME.  — 
TABLE  v.,  continued. 


KELATr/E   KANK   OF   CAUSES   LEADING   TO   A   CONDITION   WHICH 
INDUCED   THE   CRIME. 


State  Prison,  Trenton,  N.  J. 


Causes  op  Crime  according  to  tbcb  Relative  Rank. 


Intemperance 

Intemperance  and  lack  of  industrial  training  .     .     . 

Lack  of  industrial  training 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  intemperance  .     .     . 

Intemperance  and  unfavorable  environment     .     .     . 

Unfavorable   environment  and  lack    of    industrial 
training 

Intemperance,  unfavorable  environment,  and  lack  of 
industrial  training 

Intemperance,  lack  of  industrial  training,  and  unfa- 
vorable environment 

Unfavorable  environment,  lack  of  iudustrial  train- 
ing, and  intemperance 

Unfavorable  environment 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  unfavorable  environ- 
ment     

Unfavorable  environment  and  intemperance    .     .     . 

Unfavorable   environment,  intemperance,  and  lack 
of  industrial  training 

Lack  of  industrial  training,  intemperance,  and  un- 
favorable environment 

Lack  of  industrial  training,  unfavorable   environ- 
ment, and  intemperance 

Crime  not  induced  by  any  of  tbese  causes  . 

Total 


Number. 


981 


Per  cent. 


249 

25.38 

106 

10.81 

70 

7.14 

62 

6.32 

58 

5.91 

48 

4.89 

48 

4.89 

46 

4.69 

43 

4.38 

40 

4.08 

37 

3.77 

20 

2.65 

14 

1.43 

12 

1.22 

9 

0.92 

113 

11.52 

100.00 


RELATIONS   OF   THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM   TO   CRIME.  — 
TABLE  v.,  continued. 


RELATIVE   RANK    OF   CAUSES   LEADING   TO   A   CONDITION    WHICH 
INDUCED   THE    CRIME. 


State  Prison,  Richmond,  Va. 


Causes  op  Ceimb  accoedinq  to  the  Relative  Rank. 


Intemperance 

Lack  of  industrial  training 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  intemperance  .     .     . 

Unfavorable  environment,  lack  of  industrial  train- 
ing, and  intemperance 

Intemperance  and  lack  of  industrial  training  .     .     . 

Unfavorable   environment   and   lack    of    industrial 
traioing 

Unfavorable  environment 

Intemperance  and  unfavorable  environment     .     .     . 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  unfavorable  envi- 
ronment    

Intemperance,  unfavorable  environment,   and   lack 
of  industrial  training 

Unfavorable  environment  and  intemperance     .     .     . 

Intemperance,  lack  of  industrial  traiuing,  and  unfa- 
vorable enviroument 

Lack  of  industrial  training,  intemperance,  and  unfa- 
vorable environment 

Crime  not  induced  by  any  of  these  causes  .     . 
Total 


12 

8 
8 


2 
3S9 


1288 


Number. 

Per  cent. 

431 

33.46 

150 

11.65 

138 

10.72 

41 

3.18 

37 

2.87 

28 

2.18 

24 

1.86 

13 

1.01 

0.93 

0.62 
0.62 

0.54 

0.16 
30.20 

100.00 


EELATIONS   OF   THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM   TO   CRIME.  — 
TABLE  v.,  continued. 


KELATrVE   BANK   OF   CAUSES   LEADING   TO   A   CONDITION   WHICH 
INDUCED  THE   CKEHB. 


State  Prison,  Joliet,  III. 


Causes  of  Ckime  accokding  to  the  Relative  Rank. 


Unfavorable    environment  and  lack   of    industrial 
training 

Intemperance,  unfavorable  environment,  and  lack 
of  industrial  training 

Unfavorable  environment 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  unfavorable  envi- 
ronment   

Intemperance  and  unfavorable  environment     .     .     . 

Lack  of  industrial  training 

Intemperance  and  lack  of  industrial  training  .     .     . 

Intemperance 

Intemperance,  lack  of  industrial  training,  and  unfa- 
vorable environment 

Unfavorable  environment,  lack  of  industrial  train- 
ing, and  intemperance 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  intemperance  .     .     . 

Unfavorable  environment  and  intemperance     .     .     . 

Lack  of  industrial  training,  intemperance,  and  unfa- 
vorable environment 

Unfavorable  environment,  intemperance,  and  lack 
of  industrial  training 

Lack  of   industrial   training,  unfavorable   environ- 
ment, and  intemperance 

Crime  not  induced  by  any  of  these  causes  .     . 
Total 


Number- 


245 


126 

10.26 

123 

10.02 

105 

8.55 

95 

7.74 

83 

6.76 

73 

5.94 

71 

5.78 

54 

26 
26 
16 

12 

10 

3 

160 


Per  cent. 


19.95 


4.40 

2.12 
2.12 
1.30 

0.98 

0.81 

0.24 
13.03 

100.00 


RELATIONS   OF  THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM   TO   CRIME, — 
TABLE  v.,  continued. 


BBIiATIVE   RANK    OF  CAUSES   LEADING   TO   A   CONDITION   WHICH 
INDUCED    THE  CKIME. 


State  Prison,  Michigan  City,  Ind. 


Causes  of  Crime  according  to  the  Relative  Rank. 


Unfavorable   environment   and    lack  of    industrial 
training 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  unfavorable  envi- 
ronment   

Intemperance 

Intemperance,  unfavorable  environment,  and  lack 
of  industrial  training 

Unfavorable  environment 

Unfavorable  environment,  lack  of  industrial  train- 
ing, and  intemperance 

Unfavorable  environment  and  intemperance     .     .     . 

Intemperance  and  unfavorable  environment     .     ,     . 

Unfavorable  environment,   intemperance,  and  lack 
of  industrial  training 

Lack  of  industrial  training 

Intemperance  and  lack  of  industrial  training  .     .     . 

Intemperance,  lack  of  industrial  training,  and  unfa- 
vorable environment 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  intemperance  .     .     . 

Lack  of  industrial  training,  intemperance,  and  unfa- 
vorable environment 

Lack   of   industrial   training,  unfavorable   environ- 
ment, and  intemperance 

Crime  not  induced  by  any  of  these  causes .     . 
Total 


Number. 


272 


2 
16 


30.56 


00 

11.23 

87 

9.77 

80 

8.99 

76 

8.54 

68 

7.64 

45 

5.05 

35 

3.93 

29 

3.26 

27 

3.03 

21 

2.36 

21 

2.36 

6 

0.67 

890 


0.56 

0.25 
1.80 


100.00 


RELATIONS    OF   THE   LIQUOR    PROBLEM   TO   CRIME.  — 
TABLE  v.,  continued. 


RELATIVE   BANK   OP   CAUSES   LEADING   TO   A   CONDITION   WHICH 
INDUCED   THE    CRIME. 


State  Prison,  Stillwater,  Minn. 


Causes  of  Crime  according  to  the  Relative  Rank. 


Intemperance 

Intemperance  and  unfavorable  environment     .     .     . 

Unfavorable  environment 

Unfavorable  environment  and  intemperance    .     .     . 

Lack  of  industrial  training 

Intemperance  and  lack  of  industrial  training   .     .     . 

Unfavorable    environment    and    lack   of    industrial 
training 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  unfavorable  envi- 
ronment     

Lack  of  industrial  training,  intemperance,  and  unfa- 
vorable environment 

Intemperance,  unfavorable  environment,  and  lack  of 
industrial  training 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  intemperance  .     . 

Unfavorable  environment,  lack  of  industrial  train- 
ing, and  intemperance 

Unfavorable  environment,  intemperance,  and   lack 
of  industrial  training 

Intemperance,  lack  of  industrial  training,  and  unfa- 
vorable environment 

Lack   of  industrial  training,  unfavorable  environ- 
ment, and  intemperance 

Crime  not  induced  by  any  of  these  causes  .     . 
Total 


500 


Number. 

Per  cent. 

163 

32.60 

52 

10.40 

49 

9.80 

31 

6.20 

27 

5.40 

19 

3.80 

15 

3.00 

12 

2.40 

10 

2.00 

8 

1.60 

6 

1.20 

5 

1.00 

2 

0.40 

2 

0.40 

2 

0.40 

97 

19.40 

100.00 


RELATIONS   OF   THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM   TO   CRIME. — 
TABLE  v.,  continued. 


RELATIVE   RANK   OF   CAUSES   LEADING   TO   A   CONDITION   WHICH 
INDUCED    THE    CRIME. 


State  Prison,  Waupun,  Wis. 


Causes  of  Cbime  according  to  the  RELAiryE  Rank. 


Unfavorable  environment 

Unfavorable    environment   and    lack    of    industrial 
training 

Unfavorable  environment,  intemperance,  and  lack  of 
industrial  training 

Intemperance  and  unfavorable  environment     .     .     . 

Unfavorable  environment  and  intemperance     .     .     . 

Unfavorable  environment,  lack  of  industrial  train- 
ing, and  intemperance 

Intemperance 

Intemperance,  unfavorable  envirorauent,  and  lack  of 
industrial  training 

Intemperance,  lack  of  industrial  training,  and  unfa- 
vorable environment 

Lack  of  industrial  training,  intemperance,  and  unfa- 
vorable environment 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  unfavorable  environ- 
ment     

Intemperance  and  lack  of  industrial  training  .     .     . 

Lack  of  industrial   training,  unfavorable  environ- 
ment, and  intemperance 

Lack  of  industrial  training 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  intemperance  .     .     . 

Crime  not  induced  by  any  of  these  causes  .     . 

Total 


461 


Number. 

Per  cent. 

78 

16.92 

63 

13.67 

51 

11.06 

44 

9.54 

42 

9.11 

40 

8.68 

32 

6.94 

30 

6.51 

18 

3.90 

9 

1.95 

9 

1.95 

8 

1.74 

8 

1.74 

4 

0.87 

2 

0.43 

23 

4.99 

100.00 


EELATIONS   OF   THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM   TO   CRIME. 
TABLE  v.,  continued. 


RELATIVE   RANi    OF   CAUSES   LEADING   TO   A   CONDITION   WHICH 
INDUCED   THE    CRIME. 


State  Prison,  Columbus,  Ohio. 


Causes  of  Crime  according  to  the  Relative  Rank. 


Intemperance 

Unfavorable  environment  and  intemperance    .     .     . 

Unfavorable  environment 

Unfavorable   environment,  intemperance,  and  lack 
of  industrial  training 

Unfavorable  environment,  lack  of  industrial  train- 
ing, and  intemperance 

Unfavorable   environment  and  lack    of    industrial 
training 

Lack  of  industrial  training 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  intemperance  .     .     . 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  unfavorable  environ- 
ment     

Intemperance  and  lack  of  industrial  training  .     .     . 

Intemperance,  unfavorable  environment,  and  lack  of 
industrial  training 

Lack  of  industrial   training,  unfavorable   environ- 
ment, and  intemperance 

Intemperance  and  unfavorable  environment     .     .     . 

Intemperance,  lack  of  industrial  training,  and  unfa- 
vorable environment 

Lack  of  industrial  training,  intemperance,  and  un- 
favorable environment 

Crime  not  induced  by  any  of  these  causes  .     • 
Total 


2 
119 


720 


Number. 

Per  cent. 

247 

34.30 

61 

8.47 

48 

6.67 

36 

5.00 

34 

4.72 

30 

4.17 

30 

4.17 

28 

3.89 

25 

3.47 

21 

2.92 

13 

1.80 

12 

1.67 

8 

1.11 

0.83 

0.28 
16.53 


100.00 


RELATIONS   OF   THE   LIQUOR  PROBLEM   TO   CRIME. 
TABLE  v.,  contimied. 


RELATIVE   RANK   OF   CAUSES   LEADING   TO   A   CONDITION   WHICH 
INDUCED    THE    CRIME. 


State  Reformatory,  Elmira,  N.  Y. 


Causes  of  Crime  accohding  to  the  Relative  Rank. 


Lack  of  industrial  training  and  unfavorable  envi- 
ronment     

Lack  of  industrial  training 

Unfavorable   environment  and   lack   of    industrial 
training 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  intemperance  .     .     . 

Lack  of   industrial   training,   unfavorable    environ- 
ment, and  intemperance 

Unfavorable  environment,  lack  of  industrial  train- 
ing, and  intemperance 

Lack  of  industrial  training,  intemperance,  and  unfa- 
vorable environment 

Intemperance  and  lack  of  industrial  training  .     .     . 

Unfavorable  environment 

Unfavorable  environment  and  intemperance     .     .     . 

Intemperance  and  unfavorable  environment     .     .     . 

Intemperance,  unfavorable  environment,  and  lack  of 
industrial  training 

Intemperance,  lack  of  industrial  training,  and  unfa- 
vorable environment 

Unfavorable  environment,  intemperance,  and  lack  of 
industrial  training 

Intemperance 

Crime  not  induced  by  any  of  these  causes .     . 

Total 


1296 


Number. 

Per  cent. 

285 

21.99 

183 

14.12 

174 

13.43 

125 

9.65 

97 

7.48 

71 

5.48 

64 

4.94 

59 

4.55 

53 

4.09 

•37 

2.85 

33 

2.55 

31 

2.39 

29 

2.24 

29 

2.24 

24 

1.85 

2 

0.15 

100.00 


RELATIONS   OF   THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM  TO   CRIME.  — 
TABLE  v.,  continued. 


RELATIVE   RANK   OF   CAUSES   LEADING   TO   A   CONDITION   WHICH 
INDUCED   THE    CRIME. 


State  Reformatory,  Pontiac,  III. 


Causes  of  Crime  according  to  the  Relative  Rank. 


Unfavorable    envirpnment   and   lack   of    industrial 
training 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  unfavorable  envi- 
ronment   

Unfavorable  environment,  intemperance,  and   lack 
of  industrial  training 

Unfavorable  environment 

Lack  of  industrial  training,  intemperance,  and  unfa- 
vorable environment 

Unfavorable  environment  and  intemperance     .     .     . 

Unfavorable  environment,  lack  of  industrial  train- 
ing, and  intemperance 

Intemperance,   unfavorable   environment,  and  lack 
of  industrial  training 

Lack   of   industrial   training,  unfavorable    environ- 
ment, and  intemperance 

Intemperance,  lack  of  industrial  training,  and  unfa- 
vorable environment 

Intemperance  and  unfavorable  environment     .     .     . 

Intemperance 

Lack  of  industrial  training 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  intemperance  .     .     . 

Intemperance  and  lack  of  industrial  training  . 

Crime  not  induced  by  any  of  these  causes 

Total 


Number. 


1803 


Per  cent. 


441 

24.46 

253 

14.03 

191 

10.59 

149 

8.26 

131 

7.26 

109 

6.04 

88 

4.88 

86 

4.77 

66 

3.66 

66 

3.66 

64 

3.60 

56 

3.10 

43 

2.38 

34 

1.88 

14 

0.77 

12 

0.66 

100.00 


EELATIONS   OF   THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM   TO   CRIME.  — 
TABLE  v.,  continued. 


RELATIVE    RANK    OF   CAUSES   LEADING   TO   A    CONDITION    WHICH 
INDUCED   THE    CRIME. 


State  Reformatory,  Ionia,  Mich. 


Causes  of  Ceime  accoedino  to  the  Relative  Rank. 


Intemperance 

Unfavorable  environment 

Unfavorable  environment  and  intemperance     .     .     • 

Intemperance  and  imfavorable  environment     .     ,     . 

Lack  of  industrial  training 

Intemperance  and  lack  of  industrial  training  .     .     . 

Unfavorable   environment   and   lack    of    industrial 
training' 

Crime  not  induced  by  any  of  these  causes  .     . 
Total 


Number, 


500 


Per  cent. 


128 

25.60 

79 

15.80 

40 

8.00 

35 

7.00 

2 

0.40 

2 

0.40 

2 

0.40 

212 

42.40 

100.00 


RELATIONS   OF   THE   LIQUOR   PROBLEM   TO   GRIME. — 
TABLE  v.,  conti7iued. 

BELATIVE   BANK   OF   CAUSES   LEADING   TO   A   CONDITION   WHICH 
INDDCBD    THE    CRIME. 

State  Beformatary,  St.  Cloud,  Minn. 


Causes  op  Ckime  according  to  the  Relative  Rank. 


Intemperance  and  unfavorable  environment     .     .     . 

Intemperance 

Unfavorable  environment  and  intemperance     .     .     • 

Unfavorable   environment  and    lack  of    industrial 
training 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  unfavorable  envi- 
ronment   

Intemperance  and  lack  of  industrial  training  .     .     . 

Unfavorable  environment 

Unfavorable  environment,  lack  of  industrial  train- 
ing, and  intemperance 

Intemperance,  unfavorable   environment,  and  lack 
of  industrial  training 

Lack   of   industrial   training,  unfavorable   environ- 
ment, and  intemperance 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  intemperance  .     .     . 

Unfavorable  environment,    intemperance,  and  lack 
of  industrial  training 

Intemperance,  lack  of  industrial  training,  and  unfa- 
vorable environment 

Crime  not  induced  by  any  of  these  causes .     . 
Total 


Number. 


22 
21 
21 

19 


1 
11 


Per  cent. 


16.05 
15.33 
15.33 

13.87 


15 

10.95 

7 

5.11 

5 

3.65 

5 

3.65 

3 

2.19 

3 

2.19 

2 

1.46 

1.46 

0.73 
8.03 


137 


100.00 


RELATIONS    OF   THE    LIQUOR   PROBLEM   TO   CRIME. — 
TABLE  v.,  continued. 


RELATIVE   RANK   OF   CAUSES   LEADING   TO   A   CONDITION    "WHICH 
INDUCED   THE    CRIME. 


State  Reformatory,  Jeffersonville,  Ind. 


Causes  of  Crime  accobdino  to  the  Relative  Rans. 


Unfavorable  environment 

Intemperance 

Unfavorable    environment    and    lack    of    industrial 
training 

Unfavorable  environment  and  intemperance     .     .     . 

Intemperance  and  unfavorable  environment     .     .     . 

Lack  of  industrial  training 

Intemperance  and  lack  of  industrial  training   .     .     . 

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  unfavorable  envi- 
ronment     

Lack  of  industrial  training  and  intemperance  .     .     . 

Unfavorable  environment,   intemperance,  and   lack 
of  industrial  training 

Intemperance,  unfavorable  environment,  and  lack  of 
industrial  training 

Intemperance,  lack  of  industrial  training,  and  lonfa- 
vorable  environment 

Unfavorable  environment,  lack  of  industrial  train- 
ing, and  intemperance 

Crime  not  induced  by  any  of  these  causes .     . 
Total 


Number. 


382 


Per  cent. 


84 

21.99 

81 

21.20 

60 

15.71 

44 

11.52 

43 

11.26 

25 

6.54 

17 

4.45 

10 

2.62 

4 

1.05 

4 

1.05 

3 

0.78 

2 

0.52 

1 

0.26 

4 

1.05 

100.00 


310 


APPENDIX. 


MANUFACTUEE    OF   LIQUORS,   1890. 

FROM   THE   REPORTS   OF    THE    IItH    CENSUS,   QUOTED   IN   THE   12tH 
ANNUAL   REPORT    OF    THE    C03VIMISSI0NER    OF    LABOR,    P.    27. 


Items. 

Distilled 
liquors. 

Malt 
liquors. 

Vinous 
liquors. 

Total. 

Number  of  establishments 

reporting 

Capital : 

Land 

Buildings 

Machinery,  tools,  and  im- 
plements   

Live  assets  

440 

$2,816,967 
6,299,511 

7,856,249 
14,033,449 

$31,006,176 
65,179,927 

573 

$564,325 

8 

$4,500 

4,559 
$2,142,232 

3 
$390 

5 
$540 

194 

$102,802 

0 

0 

1 
$100 

1,248 

$33,538,926 
64,412,133 

50,288,210 
84,232,021 

236 

$367,010 
1,049,005 

1,290,598 
3,086,170 

1,924 

$36,722,903 
71,760,649 

59,435,057 
101,351,640 

Total 

Miscellaneous  expenses    . 
Average  number  of  employ- 
ees and  total  wages  —  offi- 
cers,  firm  members,  and 
clerks : 
Males  above  16  years    .     . 

Wages 

Females  above  15  years    . 

Wages 

Operatives,  sliilled  and  un- 
skilled : 
Males  above  16  years    .     . 

Wages 

Females  above  15  years    . 

Wages 

Children 

Wages 

Pieceworkers : 
Males  above  16  years    .     . 

Wages 

Females  above  15  years    . 

Wages 

Children 

Wages 

$232,471,290 
48,276,290 

4,483 

$7,621,448 

GO 

$47,713 

29,117 

$20,399,030 

168 

$40,757 

508 

$91,609 

374 
$165,763 

82 
$15,000 

8 
$1,224 

$5,792,783 
270,377 

229 

$178,955 

5 

$2,325 

962 

$285,418 

24 

$7,382 

6 

$548 

54 

$5,905 

2 

$200 

0 

0 

$269,270,249 
113,726,594 

5,285 

$8,364,728 

73 

$54,538 

34,638 

$22,826,680 
195 

$48,529 
519 

$92,097 

622 

$274,470 

84 

$15,200 

9 

$1,324 

Total  employees    .    . 

Total  wages  .... 
Cost  of  materials  used  .     . 
Value  of  products    .     .     . 

5,343 

$2,814,889 

14,909,173 

104,197,869 

34,800 

$28,382,544 

64,003,347 

182,731,622 

1,282 
$480,733 
1,318,012 
2,846,148 

41,425 

$31,678,166 

80,230,532 

289,775,639 

APPENDIX. 


311 


GALLONS  OF  DISTILLED  SPIRITS,  WINES,  AND  MALT  LIQ- 
UORS CONSUMED  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES,  1840  TO 
1896. 


FROM  THE  REPORTS  OF  THE  BUREAU  OF  STATISTICS  OF  THE  TREA- 
SURY DEPARTMENT,  QUOTED  IN  THE  12tH  ANNUAL  REPORT  OF 
THE    COMMISSIONER    OF    LABOR,    P.    35. 


Total  consump- 
tion of  wines 

Consumptior 

I  per  capita. 

Year  ending 

All 

June  30. 

and  liquors. 

Distilled 
spirits.  1 

Wines. 

Malt 
liquors. 

liquors  and 
wines. 

1840  .... 

71,244,823 

2.52 

.29 

1.36 

4.17 

1850  . 

94,712,3.53 

2.23 

.27 

1.58 

4.08 

18(50  . 

202,374,4()1 

2.86 

.35 

3.22 

6.44 

1870  . 

29(),S7(),9:>1 

2.07 

.32 

5.31 

7.70 

1880  . 

500,076,400 

1.27 

.56 

8.26 

10.09 

1885  . 

688,632,415 

1.26 

.39 

10.61 

12.26 

1886  . 

740,796,-554 

1.26 

.44 

11.20 

12.90 

1887  . 

821,138,648 

1.21 

.55 

12.23 

13.99 

1888  . 

879,767,476 

1.26 

.61 

12.80 

14.67 

1889  . 

894,655,061 

1.32 

.56 

12.72 

14.60 

1890  . 

972,578,878 

1.40 

.46 

13.67 

1.5.53 

1891  . 

1,097,671,118 

1.42 

.45 

15.28 

17.15 

1892  . 

1,114,292,201 

1..50 

.44 

15.10 

17.04 

1893  . 

1,207,731,908 

1.51 

.48 

16.08 

18.07 

1894  . 

1,14S,  153,555 

1.33 

.31 

15.18 

16.82 

1895  . 

1,140,764,716 

1.12 

.28 

14.95 

16.35 

1896  . 

1,170,379,448 

1.00 

.26 

15.16 

16.42 

Proof  gallons. 


312  APPENDIX. 


TAXES   PAID   DUKING   THE   FISCAL   YEAR   ENDING  JUNE 
30,    1896,   BY   THE   LIQUOR   TRAFFIC. 

FKOM   THE    12th   ANNUAL   KEPORT   OF   THE  COMMISSIONER   OF 
LABOR,   1898,   P.    G5. 

The  total  annual  revenue  derived  from  liquor  manufacture  and  traf- 
fic may  be  recapitulated  as  follows  :  — 

Tax  on  real  and  personal  property  employed  in  liq- 
uor manufacture  (estimated) $1,225,805.85 

Tax  on  real  and  personal  property  employed  in  liq- 
uor traffic  (estimated) 10,075,120.00 

Ad  valorem  tax  in  Kentucky  and  Missouri     .     .     .  32,115.70 

United  States  internal  revenue  tax 114,450,861.77 

License  fees  or  special  taxes,  States 10,399,015.60 

License  fees  or  special  taxes,  counties 5,011,225.06 

License  fees  or  special  taxes,  municipalities  .     .     .  34,155,299.25 

Fines,  States 91,299.56 

Fines,  counties 378,557.75 

Fines,  municipalities 533,916.01 

Fines,    sales   of   confiscated  liquors,  etc.    United 

States  (estimated) 123,844.96 

Customs  duties  on  imported  liquors 6,736,063.00 

Total $183,213,124.51 


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INDEX. 


INDEX 


Agents,  instructions  to,  15,  46,  57  ;  thor- 
ough investigation  of,  96. 

Allegheny  City  Home,  character  of,  122. 

Almshouses,  nature  of  investigation  in, 
48,  49  ;  character  of  population  in,  50 ; 
Negroes  in,  100 ;  proportion  of  sexes 
in,  102  ;  ages  of  paupers  in,  105,  106  ; 
nativity  of  paupers  in,  111-117  ;  politi- 
cal condition  of  paupers  in,  118 ;  in- 
temperance as  general  cause  of  pauper- 
ism in,  284-286. 

Applicants  for  relief,  number  investi- 
gated, 43  ;  color  of,  64-66 ;  sex  of,  67, 
68  ;  nativity  and  parent  nativity  of,  70, 
76-79 ;  political  condition  of,  81  ;  ages 
of,  84. 

Austrians,  intemperance  as  a  cause  of 
poverty  among,  25,  72,  77,  112, 115 ;  in- 
temperance as  a  cause  of  crime  among, 
135,  137, 142-144. 

Babcock,  Dr.  J.  W.,  quoted,  182. 

Babcock,  Kendrick  Charles,  report  of, 
233-235. 

Bayonne,  N.  J.,  poverty  due  to  intemper- 
ance in,  91 ;  local  conditions  in,  91,  92. 

Beck,  W.  H.,  Captain  U.  S.  A.,  quoted, 
192,  193. 

Bohmert,  Dr.,  statistics  of,  12,  124. 

Boies,  cited,  11. 

Booth,  Charles,  results  of  investigations 
by,  8,  9 ;  statistics  of  poverty  by,  12, 
98,  123 ;  quoted,  123,  125. 

Boston,  number  of  saloons  in  South  End 
of,  231 ;  regulations  of  saloons  in,  232. 

Brace,  Charles  Loring,  cited,  11,  32. 

BrevFster,  Indian  agent,  quoted,  200. 

Cambridge,  Mass.,  intemperance  in,  92. 

Canadians,  intemperance  as  cause  of  pov- 
erty among,  25,  72-74,  112-114 ;  intem- 
perance as  cause  of  crime  among,  135, 
137,  13'8,  142-144. 

Census,  investigations  of  11th  United 
States,  2,  3. 

Central  Falls,  R.  I.,  conditions  in,  91. 

Charity  Organization  Societies,  number 
cooperating,  43  ;  work  of,  44,  45 ;  in- 
structions to,  46,  95 ;  divergence  in 
statistics  of,  90-96. 

Chicago,  Stock  Yards  district  of,  89,  90  ; 
saloon  life  in,  211-223. 

Children,  destitution  due  to  liquor  among, 
28,  130  ;  need  of  investigating  destitu- 
tion of,  51,  ,52,  126,  127  ;  number  of 
cases  investigated,  52  ;  sources  of  sta- 
tistics of,  127;  color  of,  128;  nativity 
and  parent  nativity  of,  131. 


Chinamen,  selling  liquor  to  Indians,  200. 

Choctaw  beer,  193. 

Church  attendance  in  19th  ward  of  Chi- 
cago, 221. 

Cincinnati,  Charity  Organization  Society, 
returns  of,  193. 

Clubs,  in  19th  ward  of  Chicago,  220-222 ; 
in  San  Francisco,  235 ;  in  Pittsburgh, 
236. 

Commissioner  of  Labor,  12th  Annual  Re- 
port of,  17-19,  37,  38,  307-309. 

Committee  of  Fifty,  scope  of  investiga- 
tions of,  1. 

Connecticut  State  Prison,  high  percent- 
age of  intemperance  among  convicts 
in,  158. 

Cook  County  Almshouse,  percentage  of 
intemperance  found  in,  122. 

Cotton,  George,  quoted,  197. 

Crime,  difficulty  in  studying  causes  of, 
29,  56,  58,  133,  134 ;  schedule  used  in 
investigation  of,  54;  intemperance  as 
cause  of,  30  ;  value  of  statistics  of,  53 ; 
limitations  of  investigations  of,  55,  56, 
58 ;  among  Poles  and  Italians  against 
the  person,  136  ;  relation  of  intemper- 
ance to  kind  of,  138-140  ;  personal  in- 
temperance as  cause  of,  140  ;  principal 
causes  of,  141,  143,  147;  unfavorable 
environment  and  lack  of  industrial 
training  as  causes  of,  142,  148 ;  intem- 
perance, most  prolific  source  of,  148; 
relative  rank  of  causes  of,  148, 149, 151, 
155,  156,  293-309. 

Criminals,  definition  of,  55 ;  problem  of 
accidental,  134 ;  nationality  of,  137, 
138  ;  among  Negroes,  150,  151  ;  intem- 
perance among  professional,  141 ;  classi- 
fication of,  152,  153. 

De  Gerando,  cited,  11. 

Denver,  investigation  of  relations  of  in- 
temperance in,  94. 

Dillingham,  Rev.  Pitt,  on  condition  of 
Negroes,  161. 

Dorchester,  Dr.  Daniel,  quoted,  191,  200. 

Drink  selling,  by  Negroes,  161,  171. 

Drunkenness,  arrests  of  Negroes  for,  169, 
170,  175 ;  among  Negro  women,  163, 
166,  177,  178. 

Du  Bois,  W.  E.  Burghardt,  quoted,  175. 

Dugdale,  statistics  of  crime  by,  159. 

Economic  forces,  effect  on  consumption 

of  liquor  of,  34-39. 
Economic  Sub-Committee,  report  of,  1- 

40;  agencies  employed  by,  4,  43,  48, 

52,  56,  57. 


326 


INDEX. 


English,  intemperance  as  cause  of  poverty 
among,  25,  72,  73,  76,  112,  114;  intem- 
perance as  cause  of  crime  among,  135, 
137,  138,  142-144. 

Evans,  Ethel  R.,  report  of,  235. 

Freeman,  H.  B.,  Colonel  U.  S.  A.,  quoted, 
195. 

German,  Imperial  Statistical  Bureau, 
drink  statistics  of,  12,  13,  124,  125. 

Germans,  intemperance  as  cause  of  pov- 
erty among,  25,  72,  73,  77,  112,  114; 
intemperance  as  cause  of  crime  among, 
31,  135,  138,  142-145  ;  saloons  among, 
228. 

Grand  Rapids  Charity  Organization  So- 
ciety, excess  of  male  applicants  re- 
ported by,  69. 

Grinnell,  George  Bird,  quoted,  197,  206. 

Habitual  drunkenness  among  Negroes, 
165,  167,  176,  177,  179. 

Hebrews,  intemperance  as  cause  of  pov- 
erty among,  72  ;  treatment  of  children 
by,  129 ;  intemperance  as  cause  of 
crime  among,  136  ;  drinks  habits  of, 
224  225. 

Hoffman,  F.  L.,  quoted,  176,  182. 

Hull  House,  social  activities  of,  221,  222., 

Immorality,  due  to  drink  among  Negroes, 
177,  179  ;  due  to  drink  among  Indians, 
196. 

Indian  affairs,  politics  in  administration 
of,  201,  202. 

Indian  Rights  Association,  quoted,  192, 
195. 

Indian  Service,  intemperance  of  em- 
ployees in,  202. 

Indians,  legislation  against  drink  selling 
to,  60,  186,  187,  203,  208  ;  effects  of  in- 
toxication on,  151,  190,  191,  194;  appe- 
tite for  liquor  of,  188, 190  ;  drink  liabits 
of,  192  ;  manufacture  of  liquor  by,  193 ; 
evil  of  intemperance  among,  194  ;  pliysi- 
cal  effects  of  alcohol  on,  195-197  ;  mis- 
sionary work  among,  198 ;  drinli  sell- 
ing to,  190,  201  ;  policy  of  governmeijt 
tovi-ard,  201,  202;  evidence  in  liquor 
cases  by,  204  ;  prejudice  against,  205 ; 
trial  of  cases  for  illegal  selling  to,  206, 
209 ;  penalties  for  selling  liquor  to,  207, 
208. 

Intemperance,  as  direct  and  indirect 
cause  of  poverty,  14,  21,  43,  67-70,73, 
74,76-79,  96, 103, 104,  113-118, 120, 123, 
247-286  ;  among  women,  68,  104  ;  re- 
sults of,  69 ;  parental,  73 ;  not  exag- 
gerated as  cause  of  poverty,  95,  96 ; 
destitution  of  children  caused  by,  128- 
131,  287-292  ;  relation  to  kind  of  crime 
of,  138-141 ;  relation  to  other  causes 
of  crime  of,  142,  149,  293-309  ;  crime 
among  Negroes  caused  by,  150,  151, 
181 ;  rank  in  institutions  as  cause  of 
crime,  152-155  ;  relative  rank  as  cause 
of  crime,  156,  157 ;  cause  of  crime 
among  Indians,  194. 
Irish,   intemperance,    cause    of   poverty 


among,  25,  72,  73,  76,  112,  114  ;  treat- 
ment of  children  by,  129  ;  intemper- 
ance cause  of  crime  among,  31, 135,  137, 
138,  141-143  ;  relation  to  kind  of  crime 
of,  144  ;  saloons,  214,  228. 
Italians,  intemperance  as  cause  of  poverty 
among,  25,  72,  77,  112,  115  ;  intemper- 
ance as  cause  of  crime  among,  31,  135, 
137,  138,  142,  143;  saloons,  214,  226; 
drink  habits  of,  227. 

Kerr,  Dr.  Norman  S.,  quoted,  182. 
Klamath,  Indians,  abstainers  among,  192. 

Labor  Unions,  relations  to  use  of  liquor 

of,  35-37  ;   incomplete  substitutes  for 

the  saloon,  220. 
Leupp,  Francis  E.,  quoted,  205. 
Liquor  habit,  affected  by  local  conditions, 

45,  88,  90,  91 ;  of  parents  of  paupers, 

120  ;  affecting  conjugal  relations,  118. 
Liquor  Problem,  need  of  investigation  of, 

6-8. 
Liquor  traffic,  taxes  paid  by,  309. 
Liquors,    consumption   of,   34,   35,   308 ; 

manufacture  of,  307. 
Local  prohibition,  effects  of,  164;  decided 

by  Negro  votes,  184. 

Marion  County  Almshouse,  Ind.,  low  per- 
centage of  intemperance  in,  122. 

Massachusetts  Bureau  of  Labor  Statis- 
tics, investigations  of  relations  of  in- 
temperance by,  2,  3,  122, 123 ;  results 
compared,  16,  159  ;  statistics  of  crime 
by,  159. 

Massachusetts  Society  for  the  Prevention 
of  Cruelty  to  Children,  percentage  of 
intemperance  found  by,  1.30,  132. 

Michigan  State  Reformatory,  investiga- 
tion of  crime  in,  156. 

Minnesota  Children's  Home  Society,  per- 
centage of  intemperance  found  by,  132. 

Missouri  Humane  Society,  percentage  of 
intemperance  found  by,  130. 

Moore,  Ernest  Carroll,  report  by,  211- 
223. 

Morgan,  Commissioner  T.  J.,  quoted, 
193,  194,  199. 

Nationality,  relation  to  intemperance  of, 
25,  26,  28,  29,  31,  71-75,  111-118,  137, 
138 ;  of  applicants  for  relief,  70 ;  of 
paupers.  111 ;  relation  to  destitution  of 
children  to,  129  ;  relation  of  intemper- 
ance among  criminals  to,  135, 136  ;  per- 
centages of  convicts  according  to,  138 ; 
relations  of  principal  causes  of  crime 
to,  141-143;  relation  to  kind  of  crime 
of,  144. 

Nativity,  relation  of  imtemperance  to 
poverty  according  to,  24,  71,  74,  75,  78, 
112,  113,  116;  destitution  of  children 
by,  129,  131 ;  relation  of  intemperance 
to  crime  by,  136,  137,  143. 

Negroes,  percentage  impoverished 
through  drink  of,  25,  26,  65,  66,  101, 
102,  180,  181 ;  difficulty  of  investiga- 
tion among,  59 ;  methods  of  investi- 
gation among,  60 ;  proportion  of  appli- 


INDEX. 


327 


cants  for  relief  among,  64  ;  number  in 
almshouse,  100  ;  treatment  of  children 
by,  128  ;  destitution  due  to  intemper- 
ance among  children  of,  128  ;  intem- 
perance as  cause  of  crime  among,  149- 
151;  in  Lowndes  County,  Ala.,  161- 
163;  drink  habits  of,  162,  163,  165,  167, 
170,  173,  174 ;  temperance  organiza- 
tions among,  164,  177,  184  ;  condition 
in  mining  districts  of,  167  ;  condition 
in  cities  of,  168 ;  exclusion  from  em- 
ployment of,  168, 180 ;  in  Philadelphia, 
172-175  ;  shiftlessness  of,  177,  178 ;  al- 
coholic disease  rare  among,  182-184. 

New  Brunswick,  N.  J.,  saloons  in,  91. 

New  Hampshire  State  Prison,  class  of 
convicts  in,  158. 

New  Haven,  coffee  bar  in,  33. 

New  Haven  Organized  Charities  Associ- 
ation, non-resident  cases  reported  by, 
83,  94. 

New  York  Charity  Organization  Society, 
cases  reported  by,  44  ;  reinvestigations 
by,  49 ;  cases  of  males  reported  by,  68. 

New  York,  colonial  legislation  against 
drink  selling  to  Indians  in,  186  ;  classi- 
fication of  convicts  in,  152,  153;  saloon 
life  in,  223-230. 

Occupation,  relation  of   liquor  habit  to, 

26,  27,  107-110. 
Ohio  State  Reformatory,  causes  of  crime 

reported  by,  154. 
Osage  Indian  agency,  205. 

Parent  nativity,  relation  to  liquor  habit 
of,  24,  71-75,  78,  79,  111,  112,  116,  117, 
135,  137,  143,  145 ;  relation  to  destitu- 
tion of  children  of,  129,  131. 

Pauperism,  percentage  due  to  intemper- 
ance, 14,  21-24 ;  history  of  investiga- 
tion of,  48-50  ;  (by  color)  100-102  ;  (by 
sex)  103,  104;  (by  occupations)  107- 
110  ;  (by  nativity  and  parent  nativity) 
111-119;  (by  political  condition)  119- 
121  ;  (by  institutions  reporting)  274- 
286. 

Paupers,  ages  of,  105,  106 ;  liquor  habits 
of  parents  of,  120. 

Pawtucket,  poverty  due  to  intemperance 
in,  90. 

Philadelphia,  drink  habits  of  the  Negroes 
in,  173-175. 

Pittsburgh,  clubs  in,  236. 

Poles,  intemperance  as  cause  of  poverty 
among,  25,  72,  73,  77,  80,  112,  115;  in- 
temperance as  a  cause  of  crime  among, 
135-138,  141-146. 

Political  condition,  relation  of  liquor 
habit  to,  23,  80-82,  119,  120. 

Poverty,  percentage  due  to  intemperance 
of,  14,  21-23 ;  study  of  causes  of,  20, 
21  ;  history  of  investigation  of,  40^6  ; 
different  percentages  due  to  drink,  87- 
96  ;  (by  color)  64-66  ;  (by  sex)  67-70 ; 
(by  nativity  and  parent  nativity)  71- 
79  ;  (by  political  condition)  80-82  ;  (by 
different  societies)  247-273. 

Resident  and  non-resident  applicants  for 


relief,  82  ;  sex  of,  83  ;  ages  of,  84  ;  na- 
tivity of,  85  ;  parent  nativity  of,  86  ; 
political  condition  of,  87  ;  intemper- 
ance as  affecting  poverty  of,  263-273. 

Rettich,  Dr.  H.,  statistics  of  poverty  by, 
124. 

Russians,  intemperance  as  cause  of  pov- 
erty among,  25,  72,  77;  intemperance 
as  cause  of  crime  among,  135-138, 142- 
146. 

Saloon-keeper,  social  position  of,  215, 
216 ;  helpfulness  of,  216,  234,  237. 

Saloons,  economics  of,  32,  33  ;  history  of 
investigation  of,  61-63  ;  number  in  19th 
ward  of  Chicago,  212 ;  intemperance 
in,  212,  214,  227-229,  239;  character 
of,  213,  224,  227,  228;  equipment  of, 
214,  219 ;  as  clubs  for  workingmen, 
214,  227,  232  ;  attractions  of,  215,  216, 
230,  234,  236 ;  substitutes  for,  220,  222, 
239;  Jewish,  224;  Italian,  226;  Ger- 
man, 228 ;  Irish,  228  ;  police  regula- 
tions of,  232  ;  in  San  Francisco,  233, 
234 ;  relations  to  wage-earning  class 
of,  237-239. 

San  Francisco,  saloon  life  in,  233,  234. 

Scandinavians,  intemperance  as  cause  of 
poverty  among,  25,  72,  73,  77, 112,  115; 
intemperance  as  cause  of  crime  among, 
135,  137,  138,  142-145. 

Scotch,  intemperance  as  cause  of  poverty 
among,  25,  72-74,  76,  112-114;  intem- 
perance as  cause  of  crime  among,  135, 
137,  138,  142-144. 

Sex,  relation  to  poverty  of,  22;  relation 
to  intemperance  of,  67,  68,  102-104, 
252-202,  274-283. 

Sing  Sing  State  Prison,  causes  of  crime 
among  convicts  in,  153. 

Smith,  James  R.,  Colonel  and  Assistant 
Surgeon-General  U.  S.  A.,  medical  sta- 
tistics by,  183;  quoted,  184. 

Standing  Rock  Agency,  N.  D.,  report 
quoted,  201. 

Steell,  Major  George,  quoted,  191. 

Steiermark,  percentage  of  intemperance 
among  paupers  in,  124. 

Stock  Yards  district  in  Chicago,  local 
conditions  in,  89,  90. 

Trades  and  Labor  Council  quoted,  37. 

Uintah    Indian    Agency,    Utah,    report 

quoted,  201. 
Umatilla  Indians,  abstainers  among,  192. 
United  States  deputy  marshals,  neglect 

in  liquor  cases  of,  202,  205. 

Virginia  State  Prison,  Negro  convicts  in, 
153. 

Wage  system  in  Stock  Yards  district  of 

Chicago,  89. 
Warner,  Amos  6.,  investigations  of  causes 

of  poverty  by,  12,  47,  95. 
Webb,  Mr.  and  Mrs.,  quoted,  36. 
Workhouses,  English,  pauperism  caused 

by  drink  in,  123. 
Working-class,  saloon  life  of  the,  218.  ■ 


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